DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE´S REPUBLIC OF KOREA
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
North-south joint declaration
True to the noble will of all the fellow countrymen for the peaceful reunification of the country, Chairman Kim Jong Il of the National Defence Commission of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and President Kim Dae Jung of the Republic of Korea had a historic meeting and summit in Pyongyang from June 13 to 15, 2000. The heads of the north and the south, considering that the recent meeting and summit, the first of their kind in history of division, are events of weighty importance in promoting mutual understanding, developing inter-Korean relations and achieving peaceful reunification, declare as follows:
1. The north and the south agreed to solve the question of the country's reunification independently by the concerted efforts of the Korean nation responsible for it.
2. The north and the south, recognizing that a proposal for federation of lower stage advanced by the north side and a proposal for confederation put forth by the south side for the reunification of the country have elements in common, agreed to work for the reunification in this direction in the future.
3. The north and the south agreed to settle humanitarian issues, including exchange of visiting groups of separated families and relatives and the issue of unconverted long-term prisoners, as early as possible on the occasion of August 15 this year.
4. The north and the south agreed to promote the balanced development of the national economy through economic cooperation and build mutual confidence by activating cooperation and exchanges in all fields, social, cultural, sports, public health, environmental and so on.
5. The north and the south agreed to hold dialogues between the authorities as soon as possible to implement the above-mentioned agreed points in the near future.
President Kim Dae Jung cordially invited Chairman Kim Jong Il of the DPRK National Defence Commission to visit Seoul and Chairman Kim Jong Il agreed to visit Seoul at an appropriate time in the future.
June 15, 2000
Kim Jong Il Kim Dae Jung
Chairman President
National Defence Commission Republic Of Korea
DPRK
PRESS RELEASE MAY 18th, 2001
Spokesman of DPRK Ministry of Foreign Affairs on developing relations with EU
Pyongyang, May 17 (KCNA) -- The European Union decided to establish diplomatic relations with the DPRK at a meeting of foreign ministers held in Brussels on May 14 and officially informed the DPRK of it, said the spokesman of the DPRK Ministry of Foreign Affairs in an answer given to a question raised by KCNA on Wednesday. He continued:
The DPRK appreciates and welcomes this decision as it was prompted by the desire to develop the relations between the DPRK and the EU on a fresh basis and thus contribute to peace and security on the Korean peninsula.
The DPRK has consistently maintained the stand to establish good-neighbourly and friendly relations with all the countries of the world friendly to the DPRK guided by the idea of independence, peace and friendship, the tenets of its foreign policy.
Pursuant to this policy, in September last the DPRK proposed to the EU to establish diplomatic relations and develop the bilateral relations on a fresh basis in conformity with the need of the new century.
The top-level EU delegation's recent visit to the DPRK marked an important occasion in developing the bilateral relations.
It was a historic event in the relations between the DPRK and the EU that leader Kim Jong Il met the delegation.
Many countries of the world positively appreciate the relations between the DPRK and the EU developing on good terms in keeping with the trend of the times toward peace, detente and cooperation.
The DPRK will in the future, too, strive to develop the relations with the EU in all fields.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
PRESS RELEASE, JUNE 6th, 2001
U.S. urged to compensate for DPRK's loss of electricity
Pyongyang, June 6 (KCNA) -- The construction of light-water reactors (LWRS) with a total generating capacity of 2,000 mw(e) which the United States committed itself to provide to the DPRK by 2003 under the DPRK-U.S. agreed framework (AF) is too much delayed and thus the implementation of the agreement has reached a serious pass. Though 7 years have passed since the adoption of the agreement the site preparation has not yet been completed, to say nothing of the start of the ground work.
But the U.S. has taken a number of opportunities such as the recent Honolulu meeting to spread the theory of "early inspection" of the "nuclear-related facilities" of the DPRK instead of taking measures to compensate for the resultant loss of electricity.
The DPRK-U.S. agreed framework stipulates that negotiations should be held with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) after the most of the lwr project has been carried out and before the delivery of the major nuclear-related parts and, accordingly, the agreement on assurances should be implemented.
However, the U.S., turning aside from the present situation where the date for the completion of the LWRS can not be predicted, has come out with sophism that it is necessary to conduct an early special inspection in order to complete the lwr project as early as possible because this inspection to be made before the delivery of the key parts will take a considerable time.
The inspection is unthinkable before a great deal of the LWR project has been carried out.
The U.S. talk about the "early inspection" before fulfilling its commitment is a trick to backpedal all its commitments under the AF and raise issues which have nothing to do with the AF in a bid to evade its responsibility for the delay in the LWR project and compensation for the loss of electricity.
It is preposterous for the U.S. to unilaterally pull up the DPRK without implementing the AF. As far as the implementation of the AF is concerned, the DPRK had completely frozen the graphite-moderated reactors and their related facilities within one month, allowed the IAEA's inspection of them and completed the safe storage of spent-fuel rods.
But the U.S. has taken no measures to settle the issue of the indefinite delay in the construction of LWRS it committed itself to provide to the DPRK in return for the DPRK's nuclear freeze. Yet, the U.S. demanded the DPRK take "necessary measures for the successful implementation of the AF." This is like a thief crying "stop the thief ".
As the DPRK repeatedly clarified, the demand for compensation for the loss of electricity is not a tactic but a crucial issue related to the right to existence. if this issue is not solved, the DPRK will be left with no option but to restart the construction of graphite-moderated reactors for its existence.
The DPRK has suffered a huge loss of electricity due to its freeze of the nuclear power industry under the agreed framework. If it had gone ahead with the construction of the graphite-moderated reactors as scheduled it would have already completed them, created a total generating capacity of over 1 million kw and produced a lot of electricity.
The DPRK can not sit idle for an indefinite period while leaving the issue of electricity vital to the state to be settled by others.
It will be a serious mistake if the U.S. considers the DPRK's demand for the compensation for the loss of electricity as a lever for putting a sort of "pressure" or reigning over "negotiations."
Before the adoption of the AF the DPRK made a political concession to sacrifice its independent nuclear power industry out of its good intention to clear the U.S. of its "nuclear suspicion" and promote global peace and security.
But now we do not feel any need to abide by the AF allowing its right to existence to be infringed upon.
It is the deserved right and option for the DPRK to restart the construction of graphite-moderated reactors for its right to existence unless compensation is made for the electricity loss resulting from the heavy delay in the lwr project which makes its prospect gloomy.
If the U.S. truly wants to save the DPRK-U.S. agreed framework it should meet the DPRK's demand.
If the U.S. fails to meet the demand for the compensation for the loss of electricity, it will be hard to save the AF from its collapse and the DPRK will find no option but to go its own way.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
PRESS RELEASE, JUNE 8TH, 2001
Implementation of June 15 Joint Declaration called for
Pyongyang, June 8 (KCNA) -- The central committee of the National Democratic Front of South Korea published "Appeal of June" on Tuesday on the occasion of the first anniversary of the publication of the historic June 15 North-South Joint Declaration, according to radio Voice of National Salvation from Seoul. The appeal said that the joint declaration consistent with the idea of national independence and great national unity is a common program of the nation for reunification which enjoys stormier support and welcome at home and abroad as days go by for its truth, actuality and reasonableness.
Calling upon all the people to turn out as one in implementing the joint declaration, the appeal went on:
Let us thoroughly reject the anti-national and anti-reunification moves to put the brake on the implementation of the June 15 Joint Declaration and backtrack to confrontation and tension. Let us reject "cooperation" with foreign forces and solve the reunification problem by the concerted efforts of the Korean nation with national cooperation.
Let us check the atrocities and war exercises of the U.S. troops and dismantle the U.S. military bases in this land.
Let us rise up as one in the anti-U.S. resistance, holding aloft the slogans demanding repeal of the U.S. hardline policy toward the north, probe into the truth behind mass killings of civilians, opposition to "Missile Defence" system and withdrawal of the U.S. troops from South Korea.
Let us frustrate pro-U.S. sycophantic diplomacy and establish politics of national independence.
Let's achieve the unity of the entire nation under the banner of patriotism and national reunification, following the five-point policy of great national unity.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
Pyongyang mass rally and demonstration held
Pyongyang, June 24 (KCNA) -- A Pyongyang mass rally and an anti-U.S. demonstration took place at Kim Il Sung Square today on the eve of "June 25, the day of struggle against the U.S. imperialists", 51 years after they unleashed the Korean War. Ryang Man Gil, chairman of the Pyongyang City People's Committee, spoke first at the rally.
The last Korean War was a criminal war of aggression deliberately ignited by the U.S. imperialists to stifle the DPRK and realize their ambition for world supremacy and a war of unprecedented mass killings of civilians, he said, and went on:
Yankees called out their aggression troops and armed forces of South Korea and their 15 satellite states to kill Koreans in the most cruel and bestial way and destroy peaceable cities, rural and fishing villages, industrial establishments, schools and hospitals.
During the war they dropped more than 420,000 bombs on Pyongyang to reduce it to debris. GIs occupied Sinchon county to kill more than 35,383 innocent people, or one quarter of its population.
They made desperate efforts to stifle the DPRK and bring the Korean people to their knees with the mobilization of huge armed forces of aggression and through criminal atrocities but surrendered to the Korean people and people's army who turned out as one in the struggle, rallied close around the party and the leader.
The U.S., far from drawing a due lesson from the defeat in the Korean War, has maliciously challenged the peace-loving DPRK's sincerity and efforts for reunification while persistently committing new war provocations pursuant to the hostile policy toward the DPRK.
The present U.S. administration has brought grave obstacles to the favourably developing inter-Korean relations and national reunification.
The Korean people will answer the U.S. imperialists' "hardline countermeasure" with toughest countermeasure, anti-DPRK confrontation with merciless retaliation against the U.S. they will wipe out all the aggressors and achieve the historic cause of national reunification if the U.S. imperialists dare take the road of war.
The U.S. should discontinue the reckless moves for confrontation and war against the DPRK, apologize for the crimes committed against the Korean nation and immediately quit South Korea, taking along its troops, nuclear weapons and other combat equipment.
Then followed speeches made by war veteran Ri Pok Su, former unconverted long-term prisoner Ham Se Hwan and student Kwak Kum Ju.
The speakers said that if the U.S. war maniacs unleash another war of aggression, the Korean people and people's army will annihilate all the provokers and aggressors.
Yankees should not act rashly, aware of the fighting spirit of the Korean people to annihilate the enemy, they warned.
An anti-U.S. demonstration took place at the end of the rally.
Present at the rally were Choe Thae Bok, secretary of the central committee of the Workers' Party of Korea, Yang Hyong Sop, vice-president of the presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly, and officials concerned.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
Answers given by Kim Jong Il to questions raised by Itar-Tass
Pyongyang, July 27 2001 (KCNA) -- Leader Kim Jong Il answered questions raised by Itar-Tass on July 24. The full text reads:
I am grateful that Itar-Tass has asked for an interview with me.
I would like to answer your questions.
First, I would like to mention about the relationship between Korea and Russia and the prospect of its development.
Korea and Russia are neighbours and they have maintained traditional friendly relations for a long time. The development of these relations fully accords with the interests of the peoples of the two countries and is of great significance in ensuring peace and security in Asia and the rest of the world. We set great store by friendship between Korea and Russia and pay deep attention to the development of the relations between the two countries.
The Pyongyang summit of the leaders of the two countries held in July last year was a landmark event in developing the friendly relations between the two countries onto a new, higher stage.
The visit to Pyongyang by President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, the first of its kind by the russian head of state, proved a great contribution to the development of the relations between the two countries, and we highly appreciate it. Proceeding from our common will and stand with regard to the fresh development of our friendly and cooperative relations, President Putin and I had candid talks and deepened our mutual understanding and confidence. At the summit meeting and talks we had an open-hearted exchange of opinions concerning the bilateral relations and a series of international issues of mutual concern, and in accordance with the results of the talks signed the DPRK-Russia joint declaration in which we made public the common will and desire of the governments and peoples of our two countries to develop the bilateral friendly and cooperative relations onto a new, higher stage and clarified our unanimous view and stand with regard to important international issues. The joint declaration as well as the DPRK-Russia treaty of friendship, good-neighbourliness and cooperation signed in February last year are historic documents that provide a guarantee for promoting the friendly relations between Korea and Russia. Clearly defining the principle and orientation of development of the friendly and cooperative relations between the two countries, the declaration and the treaty deal comprehensively with the political, foreign relations, national defence and security, mutual economic cooperation and trade issues and all other issues arising in developing the bilateral relations. The declaration and the treaty have opened a road for developing the friendly and cooperative relations between the two countries in all fields on the principle of complete equality, mutual benefit, mutual confidence and non-interference in each other's affairs.
The future of the friendly relations between Korea and Russia is very bright. After the Pyongyang summit wide sections of public circles and peoples of the two countries have displayed an unprecedented zeal for developing the friendly relations between the two countries. In accordance with the spirit of the declaration and the treaty, practical measures have been taken between the two countries concerning cooperation in the fields of the economy, military affairs, science, technology, education and culture. since the two countries' will to develop the relations of friendship and cooperation is unshakable, guaranteed by the declaration and the treaty, and they have decades-long tradition of close cooperation, they can develop their relations comprehensively if they take positive measures for action. We believe that the Korea-Russia relations of friendship and cooperation will be promoted remarkably in the new century, the 21st century, by the joint efforts of the governments and peoples of the two countries.
Dialogue between the leaders of the states plays an important role in developing relations between countries. If the leaders maintain close relations with one another, their countries and peoples will inevitably establish friendly ties.
I am going to visit Russia soon at the invitation of President Putin. I am pleased that I will be visiting Russia and meeting President Putin again in Moscow. Meeting the friendly people of Russia will give me a deep emotion. I am sure that the upcoming Moscow summit will be an important occasion for cementing the relations between the leaders of the two countries, which were established in Pyongyang last year, and for further promoting the Korea-Russia friendship.
Next, as for the question of the united states' establishment of its missile defence system, I shall touch upon the question since the united 0tates is provoking us in connection with the attempt.
The United States is now coming out with the so-called missile threat from our country and some others in an attempt to set up the missile defence system. We are informed that for this purpose the united states is trying to abrogate the anti-ballistic missile treaty which was concluded with Russia.
The United States' attempt to establish the missile defence system has now become the target of worldwide denunciation because it may renew the arms race.
We support the russian standpoint for maintaining strategic stability through the ABM treaty.
The United States' clamour about the "missile threat" from our country is totally unfounded. it is nothing but a lie to hide its intention to dominate other countries. no matter how they fuss, saying, "North Korea is threatening the United States by means of missiles," and therefore "the united states is trembling with anxiety and fear," nobody will believe it. Worse still, the new U.S. administration is now talking about the "threat" of our conventional armed forces, not satisfied with the hullabaloo about "North Korea's missile threat." That is preposterous. That is another outrageous challenge to us.
Our missile programme is of purely peaceful nature. It threatens nobody. implementing the peaceful missile programme is an exercise of our legitimate sovereign right.
The world knows that we are not threatening the United States, but that the United States is constantly threatening us by occupying a half of our country by force of arms.
You have also asked about the prospect of normalizing relations between our country and the united states and Japan. That depends entirely on the standpoints and attitudes of the United States and Japan.
The new U.S. administration has resumed the policy of isolating and stifling the DPRK in the new century, the policy that already went bankrupt in the 20th century, and is obstructing the improvement of DPRK-U.S. relations and aggravating the situation. The hard-line policy pursued by the United States to bring pressure to bear on us is a futile attempt that failed yesterday and will fail today as well. Our invariable standpoint is to approach good will with good will and respond to a hard line with a super hard line.
Our independent politics, our independent foreign policy is consistent and unshakable. No matter how the situation may change, and no matter what challenge we may encounter, we will keep the sovereignty and dignity of our country and confidently advance along the road we have chosen. we will develop good-neighbourly, friendly relations with all countries on the basis of mutual respect for independence, and make efforts to improve relations with the countries which have been hostile towards us, if they respect our sovereignty and discard their hostile policy towards us.
A prerequisite for improving our relations with Japan is that Japan should atone for the crimes it committed against our country and nation. To improve the relations ignoring its criminal past does not stand to reason. However, the present reactionary rulers of Japan are manoeuvering recklessly to beautify and justify their shameful past and bury it for ever.
If Japan takes a sincere attitude towards the question of redressing its past considering the general trend of the world and gives up its policy and acts hostile to our country, the relationship between Korea and Japan can be improved.
Last, you have asked me how I spend my leisure and what my hobbies are.
Frankly speaking, I have a lot of work to do. following the lifetime will of the great leader comrade Kim Il Sung, we must build a powerful socialist state on our land and achieve national reunification as soon as possible. Our reality does not allow me to waste time before having built a powerful state and achieved national reunification.
As for my hobbies, I am fond of going among the people and soldiers and spending time among them. I find my life worth living and feel my best pleasure when I learn how they live and work and take care of them, talking with them and sharing their feelings. I also like reading and music.
Reading and music are a part of my life and a pabulum of my work.
I would like to take this opportunity to convey my friendly greetings to the Russian people and wish them a success in their struggle to build a powerful Russia and a better life.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
DPRK-Russia Moscow Declaration
Moscow, August 4 2001 (KCNA) -- The Moscow declaration of the DPRK and the Russian Federation was released here today. The declaration reads:
Comrade Kim Jong Il, Chairman of the National Defence Commission of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, stayed in Russia from July 26, 2001, and paid an official visit to it on August 4-5 at the invitation of his excellency V.V. Putin, President of the Russian Federation.
The meeting and talks of the top leaders of the DPRK and Russia held in Moscow in the first year of the new century are an event of special significance in the history of the bilateral friendly relations. And they have marked a historic landmark that will be conducive to strengthening peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region and the rest of the world.
The top leaders of the two countries had a wide-range exchange of views on the matters related to the bilateral relationship and the international issues of mutual concern in a friendly and candid atmosphere, and have agreed as follows:
1. The DPRK and the Russian Federation will contribute to establishing a just, new world system based on the principle of priority of law, equality, mutual respect and mutually beneficial cooperation in order to preserve global stability in the new century and ensure reliable security of all the members of the international community in political, economic, social and cultural, information and other fields.
Both sides recognized the importance of strengthening the major role of the United Nations in world affairs and the need to prevent any attempts detrimental to the UN Charter and the principles and norms of the international law.
Disputes existing in the world should be settled through peaceful and political negotiations, not by confrontation.
Recognizing that independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity should be strictly ensured in international relations, the DPRK and the Russian Federation confirm that each state has the right to have an equal degree of security.
The two sides stressed the importance for the international community to join efforts to oppose the threat of spread of international terrorism and belligerent separatism.
2. Taking note of the fact that the 1972 ABM treaty serves as a cornerstone of strategic stability and a basis for further reduction of strategic offensive weapons, the top leaders of the two countries expressed the resolution to make every possible contribution to strengthening the international security in the new century, too.
The side of the DPRK affirmed that its missile program is of peaceful nature and, accordingly, poses no threat to any country that respects its sovereignty.
The Russian side welcomed this stand of the DPRK.
3. The two top leaders unanimously recognized that to further develop the traditional DPRK-Russia friendly and cooperative relations with deep historical roots conforms to the fundamental interests of the two peoples in the new century and is greatly conducive to ensuring peace and security of asia and the rest of the world.
Both sides reconfirmed the historic significance of the DPRK-Russia joint declaration signed by the two top leaders on July 19, 2000, and the DPRK-Russia treaty of friendship, good-neighbourliness and cooperation signed on february 9, 2000, and agreed to expand and develop on the basis of these documents the friendly relations for peace and stability in northeast asia and the rest of the world and for prosperity and equally and mutually beneficial cooperation between the two countries.
4. The two top leaders agreed on detailed orientation and measures to further develop the bilateral cooperation in politics, the economy, military, science and technology, culture and other fields and expressed satisfaction at a series of relevant agreements concluded.
5. Both sides promised to give concrete shape to the agreements already reached between them on cooperation in trade and economy and settle the issues of the past related to bilateral clearance and, on this basis, carry out on a priority basis the plans for the reconstruction of the enterprises built by joint efforts, those in the field of electricity in particular, and gave their governments instructions in this regard.
In order to carry out a series of bilateral plans, the Russian side confirmed its intention to use the method of drawing financial resources from outsiders on the basis of understanding of the Korean side.
6. Both sides declared that the work of linking the DPRK-Russia railways has entered the full-scale stage, committing themselves to exert all necessary efforts to carry out the plan for building railways linking the north and the south of the Korean peninsula, Russia and Europe on the principle of the mutual interests recognized in the worldwide practice.
7. The two top leaders reached a consensus of views on the fact that to support the Korean people in their efforts to settle the issue of the country's reunification independently and peacefully by themselves according to the June 15, 2000, north-south joint declaration will contribute to solving the issue of Korea's reunification and held that outsiders' obstructions to this process should not be allowed.
The Russian side confirmed that it respects the agreements between the north and the south of Korea in this regard and firmly supports the continuation of the inter-Korean dialogue free from foreign interference and affirmed the readiness to play a constructive and responsible role in positive process on the Korean peninsula in the future, too.
8. The DPRK explained the stand that the pullout of the U.S. forces from South Korea is a pressing issue which brooks no delay in ensuring peace and security in the Korean peninsula and northeast Asia.
T1e Russian side expressed its understanding of this stand and stressed the need to ensure peace and stability on the Korean peninsula by non-military means.
The Russian side welcomed the active establishment of official relations between the DPRK and a number of European states and international organizations and said it sincerely wishes successes at the talks between the DPRK and such countries as the U.S. and Japan.
Comrade Kim Jong Il, Chairman of the DPRK National Defence Commission, expressed thanks for the cordial hospitality accorded by the russian side to him during the visit and invited his excellency V.V. Putin, President of the Russian Federation, to visit the DPRK again at a convenient time.
The invitation was accepted with pleasure.
Kim Jong Il Chairman of the DPRK of NDC
V.V. Putin President of Russian Federation
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
Detailed report on President Jiang Zemin's official goodwill visit to DPRK
Pyongyang, September 6 2001 (KCNA) -- A detailed report on the official goodwill visit paid to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea by Jiang Zemin, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and President of the People's Republic of China, was released today. It says:
Jiang Zemin, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and President of the People's Republic of China, paid an official goodwill visit to the DPRK from September 3 to 5, 2001, at the invitation of Kim Jong Il, General Secretary of the Workers' Party of Korea and Chairman of the National Defence Commission of the DPRK.
Kim Jong Il met Jiang Zemin and had tete-a-tete talks with him and talks were held between the two leaders.
Meeting and talks between the top leaders of the two countries were held in a sincere and friendly atmosphere at which they informed each other of the political and economic situation in their countries, had an exhaustive exchange of views on the issue of further developing the DPRK-China relations and on matters of mutual concern including international and regional situation and reached a consensus of wide-range views on all the matters discussed.
Kim Jong Il warmly welcomed Jiang Zemin on his official visit to the DPRK in the first year of the new century and estimated his visit as one of weighty significance in further consolidating and developing the traditional DPRK-China relations of friendship.
Jiang Zemin expressed thanks to Kim Jong Il, leading officials of the party, government and army of the DPRK and people from all walks of life in Pyongyang for the warm welcome accorded to him.
The leaders of the two countries were unanimous in stressing that vigorously strengthening and developing the traditional DPRK-China relations of friendship and cooperation in the new century, too, is in full accord with the desire, wish and the fundamental interests of the two peoples and would make a positive contribution to achieving peace, stability and progress in Asia and the rest of the world.
They agreed to make joint efforts to preserve the tradition of high-level exchanges and visits between the two parties and countries, strengthen interaction and cooperation in different fields and put the friendly and cooperative relations on a higher stage.
Kim Jong Il estimated the fact that the friendly and cooperative relations between the two parties, governments and peoples have developed well in recent years under the deep concern of the two leaders, stressing that it is the consistent stand of the WPK and the DPRK government to set store by and further develop the DPRK-China friendship with a long historical tradition.
Jiang Zemin noted that Kim Jong Il visited China in may last year and in January this year to further promote the mutual understanding and confidence between the two parties, the two countries and the two peoples and boost the friendly and cooperative relations, expressing his readiness to pool efforts with the DPRK's party, government and people in the new century so as to push the traditional friendly and cooperative relations to a new stage of development.
At the meeting and talks mutual support and solidarity were expressed for the two peoples in their struggle for socialist construction and national reunification.
Kim Jong Il referred to the fact that the Chinese people under the leadership of the Communist Party of China led by Jiang Zemin have made many successes in the socialist modernization drive with Chinese characteristics and that the line and policies advanced by the CPC including the idea of the "three represents" suit the specific conditions of China and enjoy widespread support from its people.
And he expressed support to the cause of the Chinese party and government to achieve the complete reunification of the country on the principle of "One China" and estimated the efforts exerted by china in the international arena to defend global peace and stability against hegemony, pursuant to the peace-loving diplomatic policy of independence and sovereignty.
Jiang Zemin highly appreciated new achievements made by the DPRK in socialist construction, external relations and in the work for the independent and peaceful reunification of the country in recent years under the leadership of Kim Jong Il and expressed belief that the industrious, brave and resourceful Korean people would advance along the road of development suited to Korea's specific conditions by displaying the revolutionary spirit of self-reliance and hard work under the leadership of the Workers' Party of Korea headed by Kim Jong Il and thus build rich and powerful Korea.
Noting that China as a close neighbour has paid deep attention to the development and change of the situation on the Korean peninsula and made consistent efforts for the peace and stability in the region, he estimated and supported the efforts made by the north and the south of Korea for the independent and peaceful reunification of the country and the recent measure taken by the DPRK for the improvement of the inter-Korean relations in particular, and reiterated support to its process of improving and normalizing its relations with various countries including the United States and the European Union.
The Chinese side informed the DPRK of its decision to provide the latter with a grant-in-aid of 200,000 tons of food and 30,000 tons of diesel in connection with the damage caused by an unprecedentedly long spell of drought that hit it this spring and the Korean side expressed thanks for this.
The two leaders had a wide-range exchange of views on a series of international issues and agreed to make joint efforts to establish a new just international political and economic order on the principle of mutual respect for sovereignty, non-interference in other's internal affairs, equality and reciprocity and to achieve peace and development in the Asia-Pacific region.
Kim Jong Il hosted a grand banquet in honour of Jiang Zemin on a visit to the DPRK.
Jiang Zemin met and had a talk with President Kim Yong Nam of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly of the DPRK and premier Hong Song Nam of the DPRK cabinet.
At the talk held in a friendly and cordial atmosphere they underscored the significance of Jiang's visit to the DPRK and expressed satisfaction with the fact that the DPRK-China friendship which has been developed with the change of generations and the century is growing stronger to be unbreakable. They expressed the conviction that these friendly and cooperative relations would be boosted in various fields of politics, economy and culture in the spirit agreed upon at meetings and talks between the two leaders.
During his stay in Pyongyang Jiang Zemin visited the Kumsusan Memorial Palace where President Kim Il Sung lies in state and laid a floral basket there and paid most respectful tribute to Kim Il Sung who made an immortal contribution to the development of the DPRK-China friendship and the human cause of independence. There he made the following entry in the visitor's book. "His exploits are outstanding and his cause is immortal."
Kim Jong Il together with Jiang Zemin appreciated the grand mass gymnastic display and artistic performance "Ever-Victorious Workers' Party of Korea" and visited an ostrich farm.
Jiang visited the native home in Mangyongdae where President Kim Il Sung was born, went to the Mangyongdae Schoolchildren's Palace and the Grand People's Study House and laid a wreath before the friendship tower.
He expressed deep admiration at the successes made by the Korean people in socialist construction and hoped that they would make greater achievements in building a prosperous and powerful nation, single-heartedly united around Kim Jong Il.
Jiang Zemin's visit to the DPRK was successfully wrapped up amid the warm welcome and cordial hospitality accorded to him by the workers' party, government and people of Korea.
Jiang Zemin expressed great satisfaction with the results of his visit and sent a message to Kim Jong Il expressing his sincere thanks for the cordial hospitality accorded to him by the workers' party, government and people of Korea.
His successful visit to the DPRK that drew keen interests of the two peoples and the international community marked a historic event of weighty significance in further deepening the close relationship between the two leaders and steadily developing the DPRK-China relations of friendship in the 21st century.
The DPRK-China friendship based on profound close relationship between Kim Jong Il and Jiang Zemin will grow stronger and develop in line with the need of the new century thanks to the joint efforts of the two peoples.
September 19th, 2001- 5th north-south ministerial talks close.
Seoul, September 18 2001 (KCNA correspondent) -- The 5th north-south ministerial talks that opened in Seoul amid the great expectation and concern of the public at home and abroad closed today. At the talks the two sides reviewed the work done so far for the implementation of the north-south joint declaration and reached an agreement on the proposals discussed from the viewpoint of the nation's reconciliation, cooperation, unity and reunification.
The talks confirmed once again the validity and vitality of the historic June 15 North-South Joint Declaration and marked a momentous occasion in opening a new turning phase in developing the inter-Korean relations and achieving the country's reunification by the nation's efforts through the thorough implementation of the joint declaration on the principle of national independence, as required by the new century, instilling hope and confidence into the fellow countrymen.
A joint communique of the 5th north-south ministerial talks was issued at the talks. The communique says:
The 5th north-south ministerial talks were held in Seoul from September 15 to 18, Juche 90 (2001).
Confirming the mutual will to implement the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration to the letter and agreeing to make positive efforts to ensure the sustainable development of the north-south relations and peace, both sides have agreed on the following points at the talks:
1. In order to promote the national reconciliation and unity the north and the south shall develop dialogue and cooperation between the authorities of the two sides and, at the same time, actively support contacts, visits and cooperation at a non-governmental level on the basis of mutual interests and respect.
2. The north and the south have shared the understanding that it is necessary to take a humanitarian measure to alleviate the sufferings of separated families and relatives on the occasion of the autumn festival this year and, for this, agreed to exchange the 4th visiting groups of separated families and relatives from October 16 to 18.
3. The north and the south shall take the following measures for the balanced development of the national economy and the escalated economic cooperation.
1) In order to reconnect the Sinuiju-Seoul railways and the Kaesong-Munsan Motorway with the Kaesong industrial zone on a preferential basis, the north and the south shall start soon the linking project depending upon an agreement on the military guarantee to be signed and effectuated between the two sides and open them to traffic as early as possible.
2) Having agreed to step up the work of setting up the Kaesong Industrial Zone, the north and the south decided to hold working-level contacts at an early date to this end and commence the project after confirming the scale of the zone and its detailed action program.
3) The north and the south agreed to positively push ahead with measures to pep up Mt. Kumgang tourism, and for this shall hold authorities-to-authorities talks on October 4 and discuss and settle issues related to pepping up the tourism including tourism by way of land transportation.
4) The north and the south agreed to positively cooperate with each other to put the project of linking the two parts of Korea-Russia railways into practice and examine the work of linking gas pipeline.
5) The north and the south agreed to hold working-level contacts between maritime transport officials at an early date in order to discuss the issue of permitting peaceful cargo ships to pass through other side's territorial waters.
6) The north and the south agreed to start field survey within November as soon as necessary measures are taken by the military authorities of the two sides within the framework already discussed between them on the issue of preventing flood damage in areas along the River Rimjin.
7) The north and the south agreed to make four agreements take effect as early as possible after going through necessary procedures, the agreements which include the agreement on the protection of investment, the agreement on the protection of double taxation, the agreement on the procedures for the settlement of business disputes and the agreement on the settlement of accounts, all aimed to provide legal and institutional mechanism for inter-Korean economic cooperation already signed and exchanged between the north and the south.
8) The north and the south agreed to hold contacts between working-level officials concerned at an early date in order to discuss the issue of jointly using part of the fishing ground in the east sea of the north side.
9) The north and the south shall discuss specific measures to implement the above-said practical economic issues at meetings of the committee for the promotion of economic cooperation and other institutions concerned and hold the second meeting of the committee for the promotion of economic cooperation from October 23 to 26.
4. On the basis of the decision to exchange Taekwon-do exhibition teams, the north and the south agreed to send the north side's team to the south side in October and the south side's team to the north side in November and discuss related working issues between officials concerned.
5. The north and the south decided to hold the 6th north-south ministerial talks from October 28 to 31, Juche 90 (2001). Seoul September 18, 2001
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
Speech of DPRK delegate at 56th UN General Assembly
Pyongyang, October 30 2001 (KCNA) -- A DPRK delegate made a speech during the discussion of item no. 86 "international cooperation in the peaceful uses of outer space" at the fourth committee meeting of the 56th UN General Assembly on October 22. He said that if the space is to be made peaceful one conducive to promoting the welfare of mankind, arbitrary practices, exclusive possession, selectivity and double standards should be rejected in the development of the pace so that all countries can take part in that work in an equitable and free manner.
To decisively prevent the militarization of the space and provide a guarantee for its peaceful use at present has become a pressing issue, the solution of which brooks no moment's delay, he said, and went on:
The United States has clamoured about "missile threat" from the DPRK to make a pretext for the establishment of missile defense system in outer space. Such deed can never be tolerated.
The DPRK's missile program is of totally peaceful nature and it poses no threat to anybody.
Preventing the space militarization is a serious matter that is related to ensuring peace in our planet and guaranteeing the future destiny of humankind.
The U.S. should immediately stop the MD establishment that may spark off arms race in the space. And it should discontinue such attempts as to violate developing countries' right to independent space development while raising an unreasonable and far-fetched theory.
The DPRK delegation holds that the legal committee of the committee on the peaceful uses of outer space should pay deep attention to taking measures for the prevention of space militarization.
The DPRK will further accelerate its space development for the nation's economic progress and strive to promote technical cooperation and exchange with other countries, he concluded.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
KCNA on principled stand of DPRK on terrorism. Nov 13, 2001
Pyongyang, November 13 2001 (KCNA) -- As already clarified, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea decided to sign the "international convention for the suppression of the financing of terrorism" and "international convention against the taking of hostages." This means that the DPRK has basically acceded to all the existing major international anti-terrorism conventions.
This measure once again clearly shows the principled consistent position of the DPRK that it is opposed to all forms of terrorism and to whatever any aid to it.
The DPRK, regarding the dignity of the man as most valuable, has made all its efforts to combat all forms of terrorism which are in contravention of world peace and stability, national independence and respect for sovereignty, social justice and humanitarian ideal and waged a principled struggle to root out terrorism.
Dominationist high-handed and arbitrary practices, national and social inequality, distrust, conflict and antagonism caused by religious prejudice and extremism, etc. are the root cause of international terrorism.
Unilaterally resorting to a violent retaliatory war, under the pretext of combating terrorism turning a blind eye to this root cause, would not help prevent the vicious cycle of violence accompanied by severe destruction and death of innocent civilians.
The DPRK will, therefore, cooperate with the international community in the fight against terrorism, firmly adhering to the principled position on terrorism in the future, too.
The international community and the world public opinion have positively appreciated this measure, a manifestation of the DPRK's consistent position and efforts, as a significant step forward in the efforts to strengthen the worldwide cooperation in the fight against terrorism and criticized the anachronistic nature of the U.S. hostile policy towards the DPRK.
The U.S. was also reported to have welcomed the measure taken by the DPRK. But it is undisguisedly inciting mistrust and antagonism towards the DPRK, still keeping it on the "list of sponsors of terrorism."
If the U.S. has a true will to drop its unreasonable hostile policy towards the DPRK and improve the DPRK-U.S. relations, it should not repeat only empty words but respect and implement what had been agreed with the DPRK and take even a single practical measure at least.
This bilateral confidence alone would make the dialogue between the DPRK and the U.S. constructive and promote the process of improving their relations. This would also be greatly helpful to the international cooperation in the fight against terrorism.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
KCNA on Bush's S. Korea visit
Pyongyang, February 23, 2002 (KCNA) -- As already reported, U.S. President Bush, who sparked a worldwide furore for his remarks about the "axis of evil" visited South Korea from Feb. 19 to 21 during his visit he called for a "change" in the political system in the DPRK and malignantly slandered even its supreme headquarters, not content with a string of vituperation made against the DPRK. The DPRK can never pardon bush for unhesitatingly slinging mud at the supreme headquarters of the DPRK and even calling for a "change" in its people-centred political system, most dignified and independent, where the leader, the party and the masses form a harmonious whole.
His outbursts once again betrayed his true colours as a politically half witted fellow bereft of an elementary reason, not to speak of his qualification as the president of a country.
His South Korean junket was aimed to draw South Korea into the U.S.-led "anti-terrorist alliance" and put down the nation's desire for great unity by instigating anti-reunification forces in South Korea. It was, in a word, a war junket to finally examine the preparations for a war on the spot.
What should not be overlooked is the fact that he inspected areas along the military demarcation line in military uniform and said that he would never allow the world's most dangerous regimes to pose a threat with most dangerous weapons, while terming the DPRK's sacred revolutionary armed forces "evils."
He termed the DPRK one of the "most dangerous regimes" and talked about the "proliferation of weapons of mass-destruction." this laid bare his attempt to spread the afghan war to the Korean peninsula.
He asserted that the U.S. nuclear and missile forces strong enough to destroy the world scores of times are "deterrent forces" and the DPRK's forces for self-defence to defend its national dignity and sovereignty from the potential threat of aggression from the U.S. pose a "threat" and can be used for "terrorism." This is a gangster-like logic of a typical rogue and a kingpin of terrorism.
The same is true of the "issue of dialogue" with the DPRK.
His loudmouthed dialogue with the DPRK does not deserve even a passing note as he forces it to change its political system, the system of its people's own choice.
The DPRK will not sit any longer with the bush group keen on inventing pretexts for invasion in a bid to change the political system in the DPRK.
It is useless for the DPRK to sit with those who do not recognize its political system.
Bush and his group are well advised to stop acting recklessly, well aware that the "strength" to contain their opponent is not their exclusive possession.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
Bush administration hit for seeking aggression on Korea.
Pyongyang, March 25, 2002. The world public bitterly denounces the Bush administration for its wild ambition for aggression on Korea. The chairman of the Guinean Committee for Supporting Korea's Reunification in a statement said that tension is still being kept on the Korean Peninsula by the U.S. and South Korea and the danger of war is growing there. The U.S. and South Korea should immediately stop their moves to ignite a new war in Korea, he said.
The Bulgarian newspaper Rabotnicheski Vestnik in an article said that the U.S. provoked a war early in the 1950s to invade North Korea and, even after its defeat, it has been continuously resorting to the moves for aggression on the DPRK in violation of the armistice agreement.
The central committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in a statement said that the U.S. is likely to forget that it was defeated by the young DPRK in the Korean War (1950-1953). The statement warned that the U.S. is miscalculating that it will not be punished even if it ignites a war against the DPRK.
The Egypt-Korea Friendship Association in a statement strongly demanded that the U.S. and the South Korean authorities immediately stop their large-scale military exercises going against the desire of all the Korean people and the world community for reconciliation, peace and reunification on the Korean Peninsula through the implementation of the historic north-south joint declaration.
The chairman of the labour union of Guyana in a statement said that if the South Korean authorities take part in the current war exercises in line with the U.S. war policy against the DPRK, they would be strongly protested and denounced by the peace-loving people of the world as a naked betrayal of the north-south joint declaration.
The Chinese Liberation Army Daily in an article said that the U.S.-South Korea joint military exercises destroyed the favorable atmosphere of reconciliation, cooperation and peace on the Korean Peninsula in violation of the spirit of the DPRK-U.S. agreed framework on refraining from threatening dialogue partner militarily and the spirit of the north-south joint declaration.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
Report on state budget made at DPRK SPA session.
Pyongyang, March 27, 2002. At the 5th session of the 10th Supreme People's Assembly of the DPRK held here today, minister of finance Mun Il Bong made a report "On the summing-up of Juche 90 (2001) state budget and on Juche 91 (2002) state budget of the DPRK". According to the report, the revenue of last year's state budget accounted for 21,639,941,000 won or 100.3 percent as compared with the planned target of 21,570,800,000 won. and state budgetary expenditures amounted to 21,678,654,000 won or 100.5 percent as compared with the planned target of 21,570,800,000 won.
Last year the DPRK government channeled funds accounting for 42.3 percent of the total budget into the economic construction so as to rev up the production in key branches of the national economy and rapidly push forward the construction, reconstruction and modernization of factories and enterprises related to the people's living.
It also successfully carried out the gigantic projects for transforming nature and built a lot of monumental edifices.
38.1 percent of the total state budgetary outlays of last year was appropriated for the implementation of popular policies such as additional measures, free education, free health care, social insurance and social security system to fully demonstrate the advantages of the socialist system.
The reporter also pointed out that 14.4 percent of last year's budgetary expenditures went to national defence to increase the combat capability of the people's army and cement the military bastion of the revolution.
According to the report, the revenue and expenditure of the state budget for this year will be 22,173,790,000 won respectively or a 2.5 percent increase in revenue and a 2.3 percent increase in expenditure against last year.
In the state budget for this year, 9,230,684,000 won will be spent for the purpose of further developing the mining industry, making a breakthrough in an economic surge in the power and metal industries and the railway transport, getting the newly built modern production centres pay off and thoroughly carrying out the Workers' Party of Korea's policy of bringing a great turn in agriculture.
And a large amount of funds will be allocated for stepping up the overall technological reconstruction and modernization of the national economy, developing state-of-the-art science and technology and building an ultra-modern industry.
3,497,500,000 won will also be disbursed for capital construction to push forward the construction of the Ryesonggang Power Station and other large-scale hydro power stations and minor power stations and the drive to realign 30,000 hectares of land in Pyongyang, South Phyongan Province and Nampho.
And additional expenditures for social and cultural services will increase 2.5 percent as compared with last year, the expenditure for education 6.3 percent, the allocation of funds for public health 5.1 percent and that for social insurance and social security 6.1 percent and a huge amount of educational aid fund will go to the children of the Korean residents in Japan.
The state budget for this year envisages the allocation of 14.4 percent of the total expenditure for national defence.
The reporter underscored the need to successfully carry out the state budget for this year and bring a new surge in economic construction in reliance on the solid independent national economy and financial foundations, true to the army-based revolutionary leadership of the great party.
Report on work of DPRK cabinet made at SPA session.
Pyongyang, March 27, 2002. Premier of the cabinet Hong Song Nam made a report "On the review of Juche 90 (2001) work of the DPRK cabinet and on its task for Juche 91 (2002)" at the 5th session of the 10th Supreme People's Assembly of the DPRK held here today. Last year the independent socialist political system in the DPRK was consolidated as firm as a rock, the nation's military power increased in every way and signal achievements made in building up a strong state economic potential, the reporter pointed out, and said:
Last year the industrial output value grew 2 percent and railway turnover 4 percent over the previous year and there was a remarkable increase in the output of major industrial products such as electricity, coal, iron ore and machine tools as compared with that of the preceding year.
A big portion of the state expenditures last year was channelled into the efforts to give full play to the productive potentials of key industrial sectors so as to cement the foundations of the independent national economy.
He also touched on the achievements made in the domains of agriculture, poultry farming, pisciculture, light industry, land administration and city management, education, literature and art and sports.
On the tasks for this year that should be carried out to creditably honour the grand plan of the party for the building of a powerful nation in all domains of state activities, economic construction and social life under the slogan "Glorify this year of President Kim Il Sung's 90th birthday as a year of a new surge in the building of a powerful nation" he said:
The main thrust of this year's economic construction is to make full preparations for technical improvement and modernization of the national economy as a whole while readjusting the country's economic foundations in keeping with the practical demand and prospect of an independent economy and giving full play to its potentials.
In order to bring about a new surge in the building of an economically powerful nation, it is important to perk up the mining, power and metal industries and railway transport.
And the economic plans for this year should be carried out without fail at all the industrial establishments in such major industrial sectors as machine, chemical and building-materials industries and forestry.
In agriculture, energetic efforts should be made to effect a signal turn in seed selection and in potato farming and increase areas under double-crop cultivation. Nationwide efforts should be directed to the land realignment projects in Pyongyang, South Phyongan Province and Nampho while other provinces, too, should meticulously organize land realignment in conformity with their specific conditions.
It is also important this year to keep the production at the modern chicken farms on a normal footing, increase the number of grazing animals, boost the output of vegetables, fruits, industrial crops and high-yield freshwater fishes and pep up the sea fishing and mariculture.
Sustained big efforts should be bent on the light industry to decisively raise the production of consumer goods and build more modern dwelling houses in Pyongyang and other cities and the countryside.
It is the firm determination of the Workers' Party of Korea to build an economic power based on uptodate science and technologies in keeping with the requirements of the it era, the reporter said, and continued:
The state investment in scientific research should be increased to develop ultra-modern science and technology including electronic engineering, mechanical engineering and bionics.
And it is necessary to improve trade and economic cooperation and widely conduct joint venture and collaboration with different countries and international organizations.
If such huge tasks for this year are to be successfully fulfilled, all the officials should become fighters devotedly defending and carrying out the party's policies with intense loyalty to the leader and high caliber.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
Inter-Korean joint press release
Pyongyang, April 6 2002 (KCNA) -- A joint press release was published between the north and south of Korea. The following is the full text of the joint press release:
The joint press release .
Rim Tong Won, special adviser at Chongwadae on diplomacy, security and unification, visited Pyongyang from April 3 to 5, Juche 91 (2002) in the capacity of a special envoy of President Kim Dae Jung at the request of the South side.
Kim Jong Il, Chairman of the National Defence Commission of the DPRK, met with the special envoy and his party, received a personal letter from President Kim Dae Jung and hosted a dinner for them.
During their stay talks were held between Kim Yong Sun, secretary of the C.C., the Workers' Party of Korea, and Rim Tong Won, special adviser at Chongwadae on diplomacy, security and unification.
At the talks both sides agreed upon the following points after having an exhaustive discussion on the situation prevailing on the Korean Peninsula, the grave developments facing the nation and all the issues related to the inter-Korean relations:
1. Both sides agreed to respect each other and strive not to create tensions, guided by the basic spirit of the historic June 15 North-South Joint Declaration.
2. Both sides agreed to bring back on track the inter-Korean relations that had temporarily been frozen, according to the agreed points of the joint declaration that calls for settling the issue of the country's reunification independently by the concerted efforts of the Korean nation.
3. Considering it important to relink the severed railways and roads between the north and the south, both sides agreed to build as early as possible new railways and roads along the east coast in its area and reconnect the Sinuiju-Seoul railways and the Kaesong-Munsan road in the west coastal area.
4. Both sides agreed to actively pursue inter-Korean dialogue and cooperation.
a. It was agreed to hold the second meeting of the North-South committee for the promotion of economic cooperation in Seoul from May 7 to 10.
b. it was agreed that the subcommittees will be operated under the North-South Committee for the Promotion of Economic Cooperation to discuss the relinking of railways and roads, the construction of the Kaesong industrial zone, measures to prevent flood damage in the River Rimjin, etc.
c. It was agreed that the second round of the talks between the authorities will be held in Mt. Kumgang from June 11 to pep up the tour of Mt. Kumgang.
d. It was agreed to have the fourth round of the reunion of separated families and relatives in Mt. Kumgang from April 28.
e. The north side decided to send its group for economic study to the south side within may, as already agreed upon.
f. Both sides agreed to hold the seventh round of the inter-Korean ministerial talks depending upon the implementation of the above-said agreed points and the progress of the work related to them.
5. Both sides agreed with each other to recommend the respective military authorities to resume the talks between the military authorities of the North and the South.
6. Both sides agreed to cooperate with each other on the principle of compatriotism, humanitarianism and mutual help. April 5, Juche 91 (2002) Pyongyang .
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
KPA, revolutionary armed forces
Pyongyang, April 25 2002 (KCNA) -- Today marks the 70th anniversary of the Korean People's Army. On the occasion all the officers and men of the people's army and people look back with deep emotion upon the proud course of the revolutionary armed forces replete with victory and glory.
Seven decades ago President Kim Il Sung founded the Korean People's Revolutionary Army, the first genuine army of the people in the history of Korea, to wage a protracted and hard-fought struggle against the Japanese imperialists and accomplish the historic cause of the country's liberation.
After the liberation of Korea in August 1945 the KPRA grew to be the KPA, the regular armed forces. The servicemen displayed matchless self-sacrificing spirit and mass heroism in the three-year-long Fatherland Liberation War (June 1950-July 1953) to defeat the U.S. imperialist aggressors who had boasted of being the "strongest" in the world and creditably safeguarded the sovereignty of the country and the nation and their dignity.
The KPA that won the wars against the two formidable imperialist enemies has grown to be an invincible army under the guidance of supreme commander Kim Jong Il.
He has pursued the army-based policy to train the KPA as the main force of the revolution, lead the struggle to defend socialism to victory and remarkably increase the nation's military potential.
In the 1990s when the imperialist campaign to isolate and stifle the DPRK was at its height and a dangerous situation was prevailing in the country the KPA gave full play to the revolutionary spirit of soldiers to perform shining feats in the defence of the country and socialist construction.
The rare wisdom, outstanding politico-military ability and matchless grit of the supreme commander are the source of the tremendous combat power of the KPA.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
Democratic People´s Republic of Korea
June 2002. Releases.
Chief Obstacle to Implementation of June 15 N-S Joint Declaration
In June 2000 the leaders of the north and the south of Korea met and adopted the historic June 15 North-South Joint Declaration in Pyongyang, the first of its kind after 55 years of Korean division.The Korean Peninsula subsequently switched over from confrontation to reconciliation, from cold war to peace, and from division to reunification. But the situation on the peninsula has now been plunged into instability, casting a dark cloud over prospects for Korean reunion.
The United States - the Bush administration, to be exact - is to blame for this.
Bush and his team have long been known as hard-liners against north Korea (the Democratic People's Republic of Korea). As soon as they came to power, unlike their predecessors, they not only totally cancelled the DPRK-US talks but also refused to implement the DPRK-US Agreed Framework, destroying the basis of bilateral relations.
In truth, inter-Korean relations boil down to DPRK-US ones, because the US rules the roost in south Korea, and because the south Korean government is in no position to pursue reconciliation and cooperation with the north on its own authority or work independently for national reunification.
The June 15 inter-Korean joint declaration, a landmark in the process of Korean reunification, was signed and had bright prospects of being implemented, principally because a positive change had taken place in the policy of the US on Korea. It is well known that many rounds of talks were held between the DPRK and the US during the Clinton administration. In the course of this a special envoy of the DPRK visited the US in October 2000, and Madeleine Albright, the then US Secretary of State, flew to the DPRK that same month. It was also arranged that Clinton would visit Pyongyang and hold summit talks with the north Korean leader. It was agreed that at the talks they would settle all the outstanding problems related to missile development in the DPRK, peace on the Korean Peninsula, and the improvement of bilateral relations. With the adoption of the joint declaration, the north and the south of Korea had already taken tremendous strides toward reconciliation and cooperation. Under these circumstances, it was expected that if the DPRK-US relations were normalized, over half a century's cold war would end on the Korean Peninsula, and that a breakthrough would be made in the efforts for peace and reunification.
But Clinton's visit to the DPRK was suddenly cancelled because of Bush and his team. When he conferred with Clinton about the transfer of the administration, Bush said: "It would be improper for the outgoing President to visit north Korea. It should be left to the next administration to resolve the pending missile issue of north Korea." Earlier, 11 Republicans, including the floor leader of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, sent a letter to Clinton, in which they demanded he cancel his planned visit to Pyongyang. Clinton was forced to accede.
Meanwhile, Bush tried to nullify the DPRK-US Agreed Framework. It stipulates that the International Atomic Energy Agency shall inspect the two atomic power stations of the DPRK, at the time when two light water reactors the US promised to provide is nearing completion. In spite of this, the Bush administration has obstinately insisted that an immediate "nuclear inspection" of north Korea should be made, and that the light water reactor stations should be replaced with thermal power stations, because plutonium can be extracted from the former.
When the Bush administration was inaugurated, the DPRK expressed its readiness to negotiate with it in order to ensure the continuous development of bilateral relations. But Bush repeatedly affirmed that the US would reexamine its relations with north Korea. In June 2001 he issued a statement concerning his policy towards north Korea. In it he said that the US would negotiate with the DPRK about its nuclear, missile and conventional weapon "problems", resume dialogue, provided there was thorough monitoring and inspection, and improve political and economic relations with north Korea, on the understanding that the problems were settled. It was clearly intended to disarm north Korea and leave it open to attack. The DPRK values its independence above all else, and has much pride. It goes without saying that Bush's statement met with fierce opposition. As a consequence, DPRK-US negotiations have broken down, despite the fact that they were initiated only after great effort from both sides during the Clinton administration. Worse still, the Bush administration has declared the DPRK the "foremost enemy" of the US, and strengthened its "cooperation mechanism" with south Korea, a signatory of the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration. The US ranted about the "threat from north Korea", especially after the "September 11 incident", and took a series of measures to build up the combat capabilities of its armed forces in south Korea and the south Korean army. For example, the US has sent another air-force squadron, new military armaments and other special task forces to south Korea from its mainland, and arranged them there in readiness for battle. Since Bush took office, the US has forced south Korea to buy up-to-date US weapons to the tune of 16 billion US dollars. In the meantime, the US has incessantly spied on north Korea, and staged war drills of various kinds against it one after the other, thereby intensifying its military threat. In late March this year the US staged a huge joint military exercise with south Korea, the largest since the Korean war, intentionally driving the situation on the Korean Peninsula to the brink of war. Last January the Bush administration claimed that north Korea formed part of an "axis of evil". North Korea regards this as an overt declaration of war.
All these facts prove that the Bush administration is the chief obstacle to implementation of the joint declaration.
The Bush administration has not only completely destroyed the circumstances for the implementation of the joint declaration but also hindered inter-Korean reconciliation in every way. At his talks with south Korean President Kim Dae Jung in early March 2001, Bush strongly criticized Kim for signing the joint declaration without prior consultation with the US, and forced him to coordinate the future progress of inter-Korean relations with Washington, demanding he seek prior US approval for political or military negotiations with north Korea and that any economic support to the north be first agreed with the US, if he was to carry out his policy toward the north (the May 5, 2001 issue of "New Korea Times"). According to the south Korean newspaper "Donga llbo" and the Japanese daily "Sankei Shimbun", the Bush administration deterred south Korea from carrying out its obligations under agreements made with the north, claiming the US would lose its "nuclear inspection" card if the south provided the north with electricity, that conventional explosives could be produced from the chemical fertilizers the south planned to give the north, and that the distribution of food aid should be monitored because it may be used by the north Korean army. The US was also dissatisfied with inter-Korean contacts and exchange visits, alleging that they may promote nationalism.
In conclusion, the "Korean question" cannot be resolved so long as hardliners like those in the Bush junta oppose the very existence of the DPRK, and prevent the joint declaration from being implemented. The international community should pay close attention to this matter.
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Kim Jong II, Excellent Successor to President Kim II Sung
Since the demise (July 8, 1994) of President Kim II Sung, his successor, Kim Jong ll, Supreme Leader of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, has fully demonstrated for eight years what he is made of.
Kim Jong II has succeeded in immortalizing President Kim II Sung, the first such achievement in history.
When the President passed away eight years ago, Kim Jong II advanced the slogans "The great leader Comrade Kim II Sung will always be with us." and "Let's arm ourselves more thoroughly with the revolutionary ideas of the great leader Comrade Kim II Sung!". He also published many works to support this cause, like "Respecting the Forerunners of the Revolution Is a Noble Moral Obligation of Revolutionaries", and ensured that the Korean people continued to adore the President infinitely. He also made sure that the President was laid in state at the Kumsusan Assembly Hall, where he
worked while in life, and that it was solemnly turned into the Kumsusan Memorial Palace, the Supreme Sanctuary of Juche. The Juche era, starting from the year of the President's birth (1912), and the Day of the Sun (April 15), were instituted so as to immortalize Kim II Sung and his exploits. This was not all. When the 1st Session of the 10th Supreme People's Assembly of the DPRK was held in September 1998, the first time after the death of the President, Kim Jong II saw to it that the Deputies listened to a transcribed policy speech of the President first of all, and that the DPRK Constitution was revised to designate Kim II Sung as the eternal President of the Republic by law.
Kim Jong II stubbornly dissuaded the Korean people from electing him to the presidency, and applied himself wholly to work of ensuring that his predecessor was held in high esteem forever. This touched the heartstrings of everybody. Kim Jong II has opened a new history of the leader's immortalization, something without precedent in world political history.
Kim Jong II has admirably defended socialism in the DPRK, and paved the way to making it strong and prosperous.
The Korean people underwent the most trying ordeals after the demise of the President, who was the leader of the state and father of the nation for approximately half a century. While they were overcome with the greatest sorrow, the imperialist allies did their utmost to attack socialist Korea. On top of that, the Korean people suffered the direst natural disasters for many consecutive years. The mouthpieces of the imperialists loudly predicted the "collapse of the DPRK, the last bastion of socialism".
At this critical juncture, Kim Jong II published many seminal works, including "Socialism Is a Science" and "Giving Priority to Ideological Work Is Essential for Accomplishing Socialism", so as to equip the Korean people firmly with socialist ideas. He stood in the vanguard of their "Arduous March" to defend socialism in the DPRK. Under his unique army-centred policy he established the Korean People's Army as the pillar of the country and the main force for advancing the cause of socialism, and ceaselessly inspected one KPA unit after the other to give firsthand advice, shattering the anti-socialist offensive of the US and its satellites with his unusual resourcefulness and matchless courage.
Having saved the country from the danger of ruin, Kim Jong II began to make it strong and thriving, transforming misfortune into fortune. He indicated the way for the DPRK to further consolidate its position as a great ideological and military power, and on this basis, build itself into a great economic power, energetically leading the efforts to attain this goal. He ceaselessly toured factories, farms, power stations, construction sites, and scientific research institutes across the country in order to boost socialist construction. Between 1995 and 2001 he travelled about 116,700 km, visiting 1,300 units to give on-the-spot guidance. As a result, the satellite "Kwangmyongsong I" was successfully orbited, nearly 200,000 hectares of land realigned, more than 1,370 minor power stations built, and other remarkable successes registered one after another in socialist construction. Kim Jong II has also contributed greatly to the movement for the reunification of Korea and the cause of global independence.
Even during the last moments of his life, the President worked heart and soul in his office for the reunification of his divided homeland. Kim Jong II has remained true to the President's intentions. He published such works as "Let Us Carry Out the Great Leader Comrade Kim II Sung's Instructions for National Reunification" and "Let Us Reunify the Country Independently and Peacefully through the Great Unity of the Entire Nation". In them he formulated as the Three Charters of Korean Reunification the three principles of national reunification, the Ten-Point Programme for the Great Unity of the Whole Nation, and the proposal for founding the Democratic Federal Republic of Koryo, all of which were advanced by the President in earlier years, and put forward a new five-point policy of great national unity, thus clearly showing the Korean people the path to reunification. In particular, he met the south Korean president in Pyongyang in June 2000, the first such meeting in 55 years of division, and joined him in signing the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration, a landmark in the process of Korean reunification. This was a historic event which helped bring about a change in the atmosphere on the Korean Peninsula.
Kim Jong II has admirably carried forward the cause of global independence, as the President wished. When the imperialists talked up the prospect of world "integration", in a bid to realize their wild dominationist ambitions, Kim Jong II published the momentous work "On Preserving the Juche Character and National Character of the Revolution and Construction", in which he correctly illustrated how countries and nations should attain their independence under the prevailing global situation. In recent years he has met the Chinese and Russian leaders on many occasions, and received a top-level delegation of the European Union. Through this dynamic foreign diplomacy he has made a great contribution to the cause of global independence. Particular mention should be made of the fact that he paid a state visit to the Russian Federation in August last year, and joined President Putin in adopting the historic DPRK-Russia Moscow Declaration. The visit was of great importance, not only in developing bilateral relations but also in creating a just world order. The international prestige of the DPRK has been greatly enhanced under the leadership of Kim Jong II. The result is that in the last two years alone about 20 countries, including the EU and most of its member states, have established diplomatic relations with the DPRK.
While in life, the President said that he was blessed with three good things, most notably a good successor. There can be no doubt that Kim Jong II is the best possible successor to the President. Thanks to Kim Jong II, the President has become immortal, and his ideas and cause shine on with brilliance.
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Reviewing Korean War
The Korean war (June 1950-July 1953) was the first war to be fought between socialism and imperialism after the start of the East-West Cold War. It taught mankind an important lesson.
War between Two-Year-Old and 200-Year-Old
Launching a war against the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the United States declared that the outcome of the war was a foregone conclusion. It might well have been justified in believing so, for it had never been defeated in over 110 wars over the 200 years or so since its foundation.
As a consequence of World War II, the fascist states fell, and other big powers were weakened, whereas the US alone remained a powerful country. After the war the US accounted for more than a half of global industrial output, and led the world in military strength.
The DPRK, however, was a fledgling state. It was founded three years after Korean liberation (August 1945), and was only two years old in 1950.
Its regular army was the same age.
Therefore, the international community was concerned about the future of the DPRK.
But the outcome of the conflict defied all predictions. The US threw into the Korean war a third of its ground forces, armed with the latest equipment, a fifth of its air force, most of its Pacific fleet, the armies of 15 satellite nations, the south Korean army, and the remnants of the old Japanese army. They numbered more than two million men in total. The US pumped into the war over 73 million tons of war supplies, 11 times as much as it used during the Pacific War, spending 165 billion dollars in the process.
Worse still, the US resorted to the use of biological and chemical weapons against the Korean people. Despite all this, it was forced to sign an armistice agreement, tantamount to a surrender, three years later. During the Korean war the DPRK killed, wounded or captured more than 1.567 million troops, including over 405,000 American soldiers; downed, damaged or captured more than 12,224 planes; sank, destroyed or captured over 871 warships and vessels of various kinds; and destroyed or captured more than 3,255 tanks and armoured cars, and over 7,695 artillery guns. The US sustained losses 2.3 times as great as those it has suffered during the four years of the Pacific War. The US had boasted of its "invincibility" to the world.
But this myth was exploded during the Korean war, with the result that the US was badly defeated for the first time in its history.
533 Heroes and Heroines
The Korean people and the Korean People's Army rose as one to defend the freedom and independence of their country, determined not to fall once again into imperialist slavery, and destroyed the US invaders at the battle fields with peerless courage and mass heroism. They defended every inch of their territory with their lives.
Many KPA soldiers covered the muzzle of enemy machine guns with their chests to allow their colleagues to charge. When they had lost both their arms, some soldiers ran toward the enemy with handgrenades in their mouths. Others linked cut communication lines with their bodies so that their units were commanded in battles. Still others plunged into enemy tanks, bombs in arms, and died a heroic death. One pilot crashed his burning plane into an enemy warship. A coast battery of the KPA defended Wolmi Island for three days armed only with four guns, despite the fact that 50,000 enemy troops attacked with more than 1,000 planes and over 300 warships. KPA sailors torpedoed and sank the US heavy cruiser "Baltimore" of the 17,000-ton class.
The people of the world called the Korean people and the KPA the heroic people and army.
During the Korean war, 533 Koreans' became Heroes or Heroines, and more than 709,000 people were awarded orders and medals by the DPRK Government.
What motivated the Korean people to fight like phoenixes during the war?
Ri Su Bok, a DPRK Hero aged 18, was killed in action as he covered the muzzle of an enemy machine gun with his chest in order to help his fellow chargers. Prior to his death, he wrote in his notes:
"...I am a young man of liberated Korea. My life is precious. So is my hope for a bright future. But my life, hope and happiness are not so precious as the destiny of my country. Although I live only once, none of those things is greater than my dedicating my youth and life to my one and only country...."
The Korean war proved that no force can subdue a people and their army when they rise as one and fight to the death under a prominent leader to defend their country from the imperialists and escape slavery, and when they keenly realize that their cause is righteous and that their country and social system are valuable.
Confessions of Vanquished US Generals
Marshall, the former US Secretary of State, said: "The myth has been exploded. The US is not as strong as was thought." MacArthur, who was commander of the US Far East Forces and the "United Nations forces" during the Korean war, said: "The prestige of the US has never been so low in the world as it is at present." Clark, who replaced MacArthur as commander of the "UN forces", signed the Korean Armistice Agreement, saying: "By obeying the directions of the administration, I have achieved notoriety as an inglorious US army commander who failed to achieve victory in a war and signed an armistice agreement for the first time in American history." Despite boasting that it was an "elite division", the 24th Division of the US army was destroyed by the KPA units in Taejon, just 20 days after it had set foot on Korean soil. Dean, commander of the division, was taken prisoner by a KPA soldier. Walker, commander of the US 8th Army, was killed in a surprise attack from KPA unit operating behind enemy lines. MacArthur, a renowned five-star general, bore the blame for the defeats the US suffered, and was subsequently discharged from military service. Ridgeway and Van Fleet, too, were stigma tized as vanquished generals, though they had pompously described themselves to be "veteran generals".
The Korean war taught the grim lesson that those who violate justice and peace and revel in invasion and war will meet only shame and death alone.
Today, the DPRK still stands up to the US, just as it did in the previous century. The US should bear in mind the bitter lesson of the Korean war half a century ago.
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KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
Command of KPA navy makes public press release
Pyongyang, July 7 2002 (KCNA) -- The command of the navy of the Korean People's Army made public a press release today, denouncing the navy of the South Korean Army for illegally infiltrating combat warships into the territorial waters of our side. It said:
The navy of the South Korean Army illegally infiltrated two combat warships into the territorial waters of our side off Kuwol Hill in Kangryong county, South Hwanghae Province, at around 10:30 a.m today.
The provocation in the wake of the armed clash on June 29 is a deliberate move to render the situation in the waters more strained.
We warn that the infiltration of the combat warships is a dangerous act which may spark a new armed clash.
KCNA
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DPRK foreign minister on security in Northeast Asia
Pyongyang, August 2 (KCNA) - Paek Nam Sun, minister of foreign affairs of the DPRK, in his speech at the ministerial meeting of the 9th ASEAN Regional Forum in Brunei Darussalam referred to ways of contributing to the regional security, saying that Northeast Asia including the Korean peninsula is a region where the situation of which still remains tensest in the world even now as it did during the Cold War. First of all, the north and south of Korea should reject outsiders' interference and reunify the country by the concerted efforts of the Korean nation as confirmed in the June 15 north-south joint declaration, he said, and stressed:
Now that differing ideas and social systems have existed in the north and south of Korea for a long time, it is the only realistic way of improving inter-Korean relations and achieving the peaceful reunification of the country to promote co-existence, co-prosperity and common interests, recognizing each other's social systems and ideas.
What is important in defusing tensions and ensuring peace on the Korean peninsula is also to put an end to the hostile policy toward the DPRK and the DPRK-U.S. state of armistice.
It is evident that faithfully implementing the agreements already reached between the DPRK and the U.S. will make a positive contribution to defusing tensions on the Korean peninsula and achieving peace in Asia and the rest of the world.
However, the U.S. has termed the DPRK part of the "axis of evil", "sponsor of terrorism" and "target of nuclear attack" under the pretext of "anti-terrorism". This is abnormal and the main factor of the acute situation on the Korean peninsula and the deteriorated DPRK-U.S. relations.
We think that if the United States truly wants the improved relations with the DPRK and peace on the Korean peninsula, it is important for the U.S. to show good faith by taking practical steps to remove the danger of war and ensure a durable peace on the peninsula.
If the U.S. hopes for dialogue without precondition on an equal footing with the DPRK, the latter will respond to it and if then, confidence between them will be built and a prospect for a fair solution to the outstanding issues between them will be opened.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
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Joint press release on inter-Korean working contact issued
Kosong, August 4 2002 (KCNA)- A joint press release on the working contact of representatives for making arrangements for the seventh inter-Korean ministerial talks was issued in Mt. Kumgang Sunday. The press release says:
A working contact of representatives of the north and south sides for making arrangements for the seventh inter-Korean ministerial talks took place in Mt. Kumgang between August 2 and 4, 2002.
At the contact the representatives reconfirmed the will to implement the historic June 15 joint declaration and, on this basis, discussed practical issues related to opening the talks and have reached the following agreement:
1. Both sides agreed to open the seventh north-south ministerial talks from August 12 to 14, 2002.
2. Both sides agreed to have the talks in Seoul according to the turn.
3. Both sides decided to discuss and solve the following issues at the talks:
The issue of opening the second meeting of the north-south committee for the promotion of economic cooperation to discuss issues of economic cooperation including the relinking of railways and roads between the north and the south, the construction of an industrial zone in Kaesong and prevention of flood in the areas along the River Rimjin, as already agreed upon between the two sides opening the second round of authorities-to-authorities talks to pep up Mt. Kumgang tourism, the issue of dispatching an economic study group of the north side and the issue of recommending the military authorities of each side to resume the talks between the military authorities of the north and the south as well as the issue of deciding upon the agenda to implement the April 5 joint press release the issues of opening the fourth round of the north-south red cross talks and arranging the fifth reunion of separated families and relatives in Mt. Kumgang.
4. Both sides agreed to ensure the north side's participation in the 14th Asian Games in Pusan and the south side agreed to render facility and active cooperation to it.
5. Both sides decided to actively help each other to ensure the successes of the August 15 meeting for national reunification in Seoul and the September football matches to be organized at a non-governmental level.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
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Kim Jong Il's answers to questions raised by president of Kyodo News Service
Pyongyang, September 14, 2002 (KCNA) - General Secretary Kim Jong Il today gave answers to written questions raised by the president of the Kyodo News Service with Japanese prime minister Junichiro Koizumi's visit to the DPRK near at hand. The answers say:
Korea and Japan are geographically close countries, and they had maintained relations from olden times exchanging visits with each other. But in the past century discord and confrontation have brought the relations between the two countries to an extremely abnormal state. The abnormal relations between them that have lasted for over half a century since the end of the Second World War are, in every respect, harmful to either of them. Normalizing relations between the two countries and developing good-neighbourly relations accords with the aspirations and interests of the peoples of the two countries, and it is an urgent demand of the times.
Korea and Japan are Asian nations. They should live in friendship as nearest neighbours, not as near yet distant neighbours, and promote coexistence and coprosperity. This is our will and consistent standpoint.
The politicians of Korea and Japan are now entrusted with the historic mission to normalize the abnormal relations between the two countries. If responsible statesmen make decisions from a large point of view and get down to the task in order to realize the people's desires and interests and fulfil their noble historic mission, they will be able to find solutions to any problems existing between the two countries.
Prime minister Koizumi will soon visit Pyongyang, and this will be a turning point in normalizing Korea-Japan relations. I welcome his visit to my country and believe that our meeting and talks will bring forth good fruits. We must open up a new chapter in the historical relationship between Korea and Japan by our common will and joint effort to improve their relations in every possible way.
The basic problem that must be solved to normalize Korea-Japan relations is to clean up the past unpleasant events that have taken place between the two countries.
If nothing is done to the history of rancor that has accumulated for a whole century, neither the normalization of state relations nor good-neighbourly, friendly relations can be realized.
Japan's settlement of past necessitates a sincere apology and due compensation that takes into full consideration the whole range of damage and sufferings it inflicted upon the Korean people. The lack of solution to these core issues has so far curbed the improvement of the bilateral relations and presented a variety of complicated problems.
The two countries are now tied up hand and foot, trapped as they are in mud-slinging over minor issues, but these will be settled smoothly when bilateral relations improve and mutual confidence is built.
An end to abnormal relations will also dissipate the security concerns of the Japanese people. Apparently the Japanese people are highly nervous about our defence build-up, but our defence policy is, to all intents and purposes, geared to self-defence. Our armed forces will mercilessly deal with those who provoke us, but we will never resort to force of arms against those who do not. If Japan gives up hostility for friendship towards us, it has nothing to fear about our defence upbuilding.
Finally, as for your question about my intention to visit Japan, I think there would be no reason why I should not visit Japan so long as bilateral relations develop favourably on a normal track.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
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DPRK-Japan Pyongyang declaration published
Pyongyang, September 17 (KCNA) -- The DPRK-Japan Pyongyang declaration was published today. The declaration reads in full:
The DPRK-Japan Pyongyang declaration.
Kim Jong Il, Chairman of the National Defence Commission of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and Junichiro Koizumi, Japanese prime minister, met and had talks in Pyongyang on September 17, 2002.
The two top leaders shared the view that liquidating the unpleasant past between the DPRK and Japan, settling the pending issues and establishing fruitful political, economic and cultural relations between them are in the basic interests of both sides and greatly conducive to regional peace and stability.
1. Both sides decided to exert all efforts to establish the diplomatic ties at an early date on the basis of the spirit and main principle laid down in the declaration and resume the negotiations on opening them within October, 2002.
Both sides expressed strong resolution to sincerely address all issues existing between the two countries in the course of normalizing the ties on the basis of relationship based on mutual trust.
2. The Japanese side honestly admitted the historical facts that it had inflicted huge damage and sufferings upon the Korean people during its past colonial rule over Korea and keenly reflected on and sincerely apologized for them.
Both sides decided to earnestly discuss the specific scope and content of economic cooperation at the talks for normalizing the diplomatic ties on the basis of basic understanding that it is in the spirit of the declaration for the Japanese side to render economic cooperation to the DPRK side including grants in aid, low-interest long-term loans and humanitarian aid through international organizations and provide loans and credit through the International Cooperation Bank of Japan, etc. from the viewpoint of aiding non-governmental economic activities in the period both sides think appropriate after the normalization of diplomatic ties.
Both sides agreed to consult the normalization of diplomatic relations in detail at the talks for normalizing diplomatic relations on the basic principle of abandoning each other's claims on national and individual assets that existed before August 15, 1945.
The sides agreed to sincerely discuss the status of Koreans in Japan and cultural treasures at the talks on normalizing diplomatic relations.
3. Both sides confirmed their will to observe international law and refrain from threatening mutual security. As regards the pending issue concerning the life and security of Japanese nationals the DPRK side declared that it would take a proper measure to prevent the recurrence of such regrettable things, a product of the abnormal relations between the DPRK and Japan.
4. Both sides affirmed their will to cooperate with each other to preserve and consolidate peace and stability in northeast Asia.
Both sides shared the understanding that it is important to underscore the importance of building a structure of cooperative relations based on confidence among the countries concerned in the region and reinforce the framework to promote the confidence-building in the region in step with the normalization of their relations.
Both sides affirmed the pledge to observe all the international agreements for a comprehensive solution to the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula. They also underscored the need to facilitate the settlement of problems by promoting the dialogue among the countries concerned as regards all security matters including nuclear and missile issues.
The DPRK side expressed its will to extend its moratorium on missile tests beyond 2003 in the spirit of the declaration.
Both sides agreed to discuss issues related to ensuring security.
Kim Jong Il Chairman of the National Defence Commision, DPRK Junichiro Koizumi Prime Minister of Japan
September 17, 2002 Pyongyang
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DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE´S REPUBLIC OF KOREA
Press Release
Stockholm, 24 September Juche91 (2002)
Decree on setting up Sinuiju special administrative region issued
Pyongyang, September 19 (KCNA) -- The Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly of the DPRK issued a decree on Sept. 12 on setting up Sinuiju special administrative region. The decree says:
The Democratic People's Republic of Korea shall set up Sinuiju special administrative region.
The region shall include Kwanmun-dong, Ponbu-dong, Sinwon-dong, Yokjon-dong, Chongsong-dong, Kunhwa-dong, Paeksa-dong, Paekun-dong, Chaeha-dong, May 1-dong, Apgang-dong, Namsang-dong, Namso-dong, Namjung-dong, Namha-dong, Kaehyok-dong, Haebang-dong, Phyonghwa-dong, Minpho-dong, Namsong-dong, Sinnam-dong, Sinpho-dong, Sumun-dong, Nammin-dong, Tongha-dong, Tongjung-dong, Tongsang-dong, Chinson-dong no. 1 and Chinson-dong no. 2, Pangjik-dong, Majon-dong, Hadan-ri, Sangdan-ri, Taji-ri, Songso-ri and parts of Sonsang-dong, Yonha-dong, Songhan-dong, Ryusang-dong no. 1, Ryonsang-dong no. 1, Paektho-dong, Thosong-ri and Ryucho-ri in Sinuiju city and Soho-ri, parts of Hongnam-ri and Taesan-ri in Uiju county, parts of Tasa workers' district and Sokam-ri in Yomju county and parts of Rihwa-ri and Kumsan-ri in Cholsan county in North Phyongan Province.
The region shall be directly put under the central authority as a special administrative unit of the DPRK.
Basic law of Sinuiju special administrative region
Pyongyang, September 20 (KCNA) -- The Sinuiju special administrative region has come into being according to a decree of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. The Presidium of the DPRK Supreme People's Assembly adopted the basic law of the Sinuiju special administrative region on September 12, Juche 91 (2002).
The law consists of six chapters (politics, economy, culture, fundamental rights and duties of residents, structure and emblem and flag of the region) and a total of 101 articles.
According to the law, the region is a special administrative unit under the sovereignty of the DPRK and the state puts the region under the central authority.
The state endues the region with the legislative, executive and judicial power and shall keep the legal system of the region unchanged for 50 years.
The DPRK cabinet, state commissions, ministries and national institutions shall not interfere in the region's affairs and external affairs concerning the region shall be handled by the state.
The region shall conduct external activities on its own responsibility within the limit approved by the state and can issue its own passports.
The land and natural resources of the region belong to the DPRK and the state allows the region to be turned into an international financial, trade, commercial, industrial, up-to-date science, amusement and tourist centre.
The state shall give the region the rights to develop, use and manage the land and encourage the businesses in the region to hire manpower of the DPRK.
The period of leasing the land of the region shall last until December 31, 2052. The state shall encourage investments of investors in the region and provide investment environment and conditions for economic activities favorable for businesses.
The DPRK shall encourage the region to properly pursue cultural policies so as to increase its residents' creativity and meet their demand for cultural and emotional life, introduce up-to-date science and technology and actively develop new domains of science and technology.
The residents shall not be discriminated irrespective of sex, country, nationality, race, language, property status, knowledge, political view and religious belief and foreigners without citizenship shall have the same rights and duties as the residents.
The procedures of moving and travelling to other areas of the DPRK and other countries shall be established by the region.
The legislative council is the legislature of the region and the legislative power shall be exercised by the legislative council.
DPRK citizens of the region can become deputies to the legislative council and foreigners with the right to reside in the region can also hold the same post.
The legislative council shall have chairman and vice-chairmen elected by itself.
The governor shall represent the special administrative region.
The governorship can be taken by a resident of the region who has working ability and enjoys high reputation among the inhabitants.
The governor shall promulgate the decisions of the legislative council and directions of the administration, issue orders and appoint and dismiss members of the administration and the chief of the prosecutor's office of the region.
The administration is the region's executive body and general administrative organ.
The chief of the administration is the governor and the posts of department chief of the administration and the chief of the police agency shall be held by residents of the region.
The prosecution affairs of the region shall be undertaken by the prosecutor's office of the region and the district prosecutor's offices.
The prosecutor's office of the region shall be accountable to the governor.
Trial in the region shall be undertaken by the court of the region and district courts. the court of the region is the supreme court.
The region shall use not only the emblem and flag of the dprk but also its own emblem and flag and the order of their use shall be established by the region.
The region shall apply no other laws but the DPRK laws concerning nationality, emblem, flag, anthem, capital, territorial waters, territorial air and national security.
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Helsinki, October 22nd, 2002.
"The nuke program of the DPRK".
It is necessary to take a closer look at the noise in the western propaganda machinery on the fancy "north Korean nuclear weapon program".
The DPRK has never addmitted such a program to exist. The only source for that kind of an information is the US propaganda machinery.
The DPRK promised to stop starting of their own graphite-moderated nuclear plants in order to express goodwill in 1994. USA on its side engaged in the official UN agreement in Geneve in 1994 to build light water nuclear plants for the DPRK. For compensation for the lack of energy the US promised black on white do deliver oil to the DPRK until the light water plants have been completed. No oil was supplied. The light water project should have been be fulfilled in 2003. Yet the building of those plants began first in this year. The new plants could not have produced energy before 2008.
The DPRK cannot not wait that long, especially because the U.S. as an agreement partner is not credible.
In this problematic situation, in spite of signifigant oil supplies from Russia in China, the DPRK has had to reconsider switching on their own graphite-moderated nuclear power plants. There is fuel in north Korea, stored according to the IAEA norms, but not enough for future running of the nuclear plants. Enriching of more uranium is necessary.
There has been no discussion of possible nuclear arms. This problematics rises form plutonium, which is waste of all nuclear power plants. Plutonium is necessary when constructing a hydrogen bomb.
The western propaganda creates now connection between Russia, China and Pakistan
and the Korean "nuke program". Of course, those countries deny that kind of an absurd idea. If the DPRK really would want to build a fission-based nuke, it could do it easily without any kind of foreign assistance.
The dishonest fabricating of the norh Korean nuke-progam is a pretext by the Bush regime. It obviously is targeted to prepare a future attack on north Korea.
KOMINFORM
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DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE´S REPUBLIC OF KOREA
Press Release
Stockholm, 24 October Juche91 (2002)
Joint press release on 8th inter-Korean ministerial talks published.
Pyongyang, October 23 (KCNA) -- The 8th inter-Korean ministerial talks which were opened in Pyongyang on October 19 closed on Tuesday. At the talks the two sides reached an important agreement through sincere discussions on the proposals which had been presented with the common stand and will to honestly implement the historic June 15 joint declaration.
A joint press release on the 8th inter-Korean ministerial talks was published at the talks.
According to the press release, the two sides positively estimated the inter-Korean relations for developing on good terms these days in the basic spirit of the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration and reached the following agreement to make sustained efforts to implement the declaration and solve the outstanding issues:
1. The north and the south shall make joint efforts to ensure peace and security on the Korean Peninsula in the spirit of the June 15 joint declaration and actively cooperate with each other to seek negotiated settlement of all the issues including the nuclear issue.
2. The north and the south shall let the ministerial talks push forward the construction of the eastern and western coastal railways and roads simultaneously and rapidly.
Both sides shall link the eastern coastal railway and road to the area of Mt. Kumgang and the western coastal railway and road to a Kaesong industrial zone at the first phase.
Both sides shall rapidly promote the project for relinking the eastern coastal railways and the south side shall ceaselessly and rapidly push forward the project for linking the south side's section of railroad leading to Kangrung.
3. The north and the south shall discuss at the panel for the construction of the Kaesong industrial zone the issue of its ground-breaking ceremony within December and other working issues related to the construction and set up an office concerned of the south side in the zone when it is built.
4. The north and the south shall have a working contact of those concerned at Mt. Kumgang resort within November to adopt a marine transport agreement on marine cooperation including the passage of civilian ships of both sides and their safe sailing in territorial waters of each side.
5. The north and the south shall discuss the issue of adopting an agreement on the transit of persons and freight transport of each side at the time the inter-Korean railways and roads are relinked.
6. The north and the south shall have a working contact at Mt. Kumgang resort at an early date to discuss the issue of allowing fishermen in the south side to use part of the fishing ground in the east sea of the north side.
7. The north and the south shall build the Kumgangsan House for the reunion of the separated families and relatives at an early date and actively help red cross organizations confirm the whereabouts of those missing during the war.
8. The north and the south shall hold the 9th inter-Korean ministerial talks in Seoul in mid-January 2003.
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Pyongyang, October 25th, 2002
Statement of a Spokesman for the Foreign Ministry of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea as regards the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula.
New dramatic changes have taken place in the situation on the Korean Peninsula and the rest of Northeast Asia in the new century.
Inter-Korean relations and the DPRK's relations with Russia, China and Japan have entered a new important phase and bold measures have been taken to reconnect inter-Korean railroads which have remained cut for over half a century, settle the past with Japan and do away with the leftovers of the last century.
The DPRK has taken a series of new steps in economic management and adopted one measure after another to reenergize the economy, including the establishment of a special economic region, in conformity with the changed situation and specific conditions of the country.
These developments practically contribute to peace in Asia and the rest of the world.
Almost all the countries except for the United States, therefore, welcomed and hailed them, a great encouragement to the DPRK.
It was against this backdrop that the DPRK recently received a special envoy of the U.S. President in the hope that this might help fundamentally solve the hostile relations with the U.S. and settle outstanding issues on an equal footing.
Regretfully, the Pyongyang visit of the special envoy convinced the DPRK that the hostile attempt of the Bush administration to stifle the DPRK by force and backpedal the positive development of the situation in the Korean Peninsula and the rest of Northeast Asia has gone to the extremes.
Producing no evidence, he asserted that the DPRK has been actively engaged in the enriched uranium program in pursuit of possessing nuclear weapons in violation of the DPRK-U.S. agreed framework. He even intimidated the DPRK side by saying that there would be no dialogue with the U.S. unless the DPRK halts it, and the DPRK-Japan, and north-south relations would be jeopardized.
The U.S. attitude was so unilateral and high-handed that the DPRK was stunned by it.
The U.S. is seriously mistaken if it thinks such a brigandish attitude reminding one of a thief crying "stop the thief" would work on the DPRK.
As far as the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula is concerned, it cropped up as the U.S. has massively stockpiled nuclear weapons in South Korea and its vicinity and threatened the DPRK, a small country, with those weapons for nearly half a century, pursuing a hostile policy toward it in accordance with the strategy for world supremacy.
The DPRK-U.S. agreed framework was adopted in October 1994, but the U.S. has been deprived of the right to talk about the implementation of the framework since then.
Under article 1 of the framework the U.S. is obliged to provide light water reactors to the DPRK by the year 2003 in return for the DPRK's freezing of graphite moderated reactors and their related facilities.
But only site preparation for the LWR was made though 8 years have passed since the DPRK froze its nuclear facilities.
This will bring the DPRK an annual loss of 1,000 mw (e) in 2003 when light water reactor no.1 is scheduled to be completed and that of 2,000 mw (e) from the next year under article 2 of the framework the two sides are obliged to move toward full normalization of the political and economic relations. Over the last 8 years, however, the U.S. has persistently pursued the hostile policy toward the DPRK and maintained economic sanctions on it. The former has gone the length of listing the latter as part of the "axis of evil."
Under article 3 of the framework the U.S. is obliged to give formal assurances to the DPRK against the threat or use of nuclear weapons by the U.S. however, the U.S. listed the DPRK as a target of its pre-emptive nuclear attack.
Under article 4 of the framework and paragraph g of its confidential minute the DPRK is to allow nuclear inspections only after the "delivery of essential non-nuclear components for the first LWR unit, including turbines and generators" is completed. But, the U.S. has already come out with a unilateral demand for nuclear inspection in a bid to convince the international community of the DPRK's violation of the framework.
This compelled the DPRK to make public the confidential minute for the first time.
The U.S. has, in the final analysis, observed none of the four articles of the framework.
It is only the U.S. that can know whether it had willingness to implement the framework when it was adopted or put a signature to it without sincerity, calculating that the DPRK would collapse sooner or later.
However, the Bush administration listed the DPRK as part of the "axis of evil" and a target of the U.S. pre-emptive nuclear strikes. This was a clear declaration of a war against the DPRK as it totally nullified the DPRK-U.S. joint statement and agreed framework.
In the long run, the Bush administration has adopted it as its policy to make a pre-emptive nuclear strike at the DPRK. Such moves, a gross violation of the basic spirit of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, reduced the inter-Korean joint declaration on denuclearization to a dead document.
Its reckless political, economic and military pressure is most seriously threatening the DPRK's right to existence, creating a grave situation on the Korean Peninsula.
Nobody would be so naive as to think that the DPRK would sit idle under such situation.
That was why the DPRK made itself very clear to the special envoy of the U.S. President that the DPRK was entitled to possess not only nuclear weapon but any type of weapon more powerful than that so as to defend its sovereignty and right to existence from the ever-growing nuclear threat by the U.S.
The DPRK, which values sovereignty more than life, was left with no other proper answer to the U.S. behaving so arrogantly and impertinently.
The DPRK has neither need nor duty to explain something to the U.S. seeking to attack it if it refuses to disarm itself.
Nevertheless, the DPRK, with greatest magnanimity, clarified that it was ready to seek a negotiated settlement of this issue on the following three conditions: firstly, if the U.S. recognizes the DPRK's sovereignty, secondly, if it assures the DPRK of nonaggression and thirdly, if the U.S. does not hinder the economic development of the DPRK.
Nowadays, the U.S. and its followers assert that negotiations should be held after the DPRK puts down its arms. This is a very abnormal logic.
Then, how can the DPRK counter any attack with empty hands?
Their assertion is little short of demanding the DPRK yield to pressure, which means death.
Nobody can match anyone ready to die. This is the faith and will of the army and people of the DPRK determined to remain true to the army-based policy to the last.
The position of the DPRK is invariable. The DPRK considers that it is a reasonable and realistic solution to the nuclear issue to conclude a nonaggression treaty between the DPRK and the U.S. if the grave situation of the Korean Peninsula is to be bridged over.
If the U.S. legally assures the DPRK of nonaggression, including the nonuse of nuclear weapons against it by concluding such treaty, the DPRK will be ready to clear the former of its security concerns.
The settlement of all problems with the DPRK, a small country, should be based on removing any threat to its sovereignty and right to existence.
There may be negotiations or the use of deterrent force to be consistent with this basis, but the DPRK wants the former, as far as possible.
KCNA
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Pyongyang, December 4th, 2002
DPRK's principled stand on nuclear issue clarified
Pyongyang, December 4 (KCNA) -- DPRK Foreign Minister Paek Nam Sun sent a letter to general director of the board of governors of the IAEA Mohammed El Baradei. In the letter dated Dec. 2 Paek clarified that the DPRK Government cannot accept the November 29, 2002 resolution of the IAEA board of governors in any case and that there is no change in its principled stand on the nuclear issue, in particular.
Upon receiving the general director's letter dated Nov. 29 and that resolution, I was disappointed at the IAEA board of governors still acting under the manipulation of the United States while following its policy to isolate and stifle the DPRK, the letter noted.
Attributing the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula to the U.S. hostile policy towards the DPRK and the partial behavior of the IAEA intended to serve the U.S. purpose, the letter referred to the fact that the agency has handled the nuclear issue of the Korean Peninsula unfairly.
This crisis is a product of the U.S. hostile policy towards the DPRK from a to z, it said, adding:
Failing to call this policy into question, the IAEA has adopted an extremely unilateral resolution against the DPRK this time.
This can never be considered as an impartial one, and it will only lay one more serious obstacle in the way of solving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula.
KCNA
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DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE´S REPUBLIC OF KOREA
Press Release
December 23rd, 2002
Socialist Korea and Kim Jong Suk
Today all the Korean people highly respect not only President Kim II Sung and the leader Kim Jong II but also Kim Jong Suk as great people and generals. They admire Kim Jong Suk as a "legendary anti-Japanese heroine and a great mother, because she has won a special place in the modern history of Korea.
She died aged 32. But the past, present and future of socialist Korea would be unthinkable without her.
She was born into a patriotic and revolutionary family on December 24, 1917 when Korea groaned under Japanese military occupation. From her childhood she deeply grieved about national ruin. In her teens she resolutely launched into revolutionary struggle with ardent patriotism and fierce hatred toward the Japanese aggressors. She was unusually intelligent, indomitable and noble. While affiliated with the Children's Vanguards and the Communist Youth League, she had already stood out above all others, and was loved and respected by people.
She grew up to be an indomitable revolutionary fighter, while conducting her difficult underground struggle and working in a guerrilla base. At the age of 18 she joined the Korean People's Revolutionary Army led by General Kim II Sung the Korean people highly worshipped and esteemed as the sun' of the nation and the lodestar of Korean liberation. She participated in the anti-Japanese armed struggle for ten years till Korean liberation in 1945. She did herself full justice in every battle.
When a new country was under construction in Korea after its liberation, Kim Jong Suk aided President Kim Il Sung in his work faithfully, thus contributing greatly to the cause of Party, nation and army building.
During her 20-year-long anti-Japanese war Kim Jong Suk ensured the safety and health of Kim II Sung, the loadstar of Korean liberation and the founder of socialist Korea.
This shines most brightly in her revolutionary history. Under whatever grave and complex situation she was a guardian deity to Kim II Sung whenever the enemies attempted his life during the long bloody anti-Japanese war and the building of a new country.
During the war she shielded Kim II Sung from imminent danger more than once.
Just as socialist Korea is unthinkable without Kim II Sung, so his safety would have been inconceivable without Kim Jong Suk.
Kim Jong Suk has also guaranteed Kim II Sung's Korea a bright future.
She not only loved Kim Jong II, her son, as her own flesh and blood, but also worked heart and soul to train him into a genuine son of the county and the people, and a faithful successor to Kim II Sung's revolutionary cause of Juche. As a result, Kim Jong II is possessed of boundless-loyalty to the President, ardent patriotism, lofty virtues and noble nature, qualifying as a great man without peer.
Her name will shine forever with Kim II Sung's Korea and Kim Jong Il’s Korea.
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DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE´S REPUBLIC OF KOREA
Press Release
December 23rd, 2002
2003 Vital to DPRK-US Relations.
The year 2003 means a great deal to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the United States. It bears directly on "the nuclear crisis" that occurred on the Korean Peninsula in 1993. Ten years ago the United States fabricated "the nuclear suspicion" of the DPRK in an attempt to destroy socialist Korea (the DPRK) at a breath, made the International Atomic Energy Agency adopt a resolution on "a special inspection" meaning a forced inspection by arms, and simultaneously staged large-scale "Team Spirit" military rehearsals to prepare for another Korean war.
As countermeasures Pyongyang moved the whole country on to a semi-war footing, and then proceeded to issue a government statement on its withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty.
The US administration was instantly shocked at this and hastily switched policy and opted for dialogue with Pyongyang. The DPRK-US Agreed Framework providing for the peaceful settlement of "nuclear crisis" was consequently announced in Geneva on October 21,1994.
The very core of the Agreed Framework is that the DPRK freezes the development of its independent nuclear power, considering the concern of the US, and that the US provides light water reactors to the DPRK by 2003 instead.
2003 has finally come when the implementation of the Agreed Framework must be reviewed and settled. The problem is that things will not go smoothly. Paragraph I of Article I of the Agreed Framework stipulates that the US shall supply light water reactors with a generating capacity of 2,000,000 kw to the DPRK by 2003. Pursuant to the paragraph, the reactors must have come into being by this. But they are nowhere to be found at all.
The only thing is the report that ground concrete Work started several months ago.
The experts remark that the construction project will-be completed in 2008 or 2010.
The US is liable for the nonfulfilment of the Agreed Framework.
The DPRK-US Agreed Framework does not have the alternative of being implemented or not being implemented. It is a document, which assumes the character of international law. The whole world watches with concern how it is implemented because it was signed after much difficulty at a time when the crisis of the planet reached the limit. Moreover, the then US President addressed a letter to the supreme leader of the DPRK, in which he guaranteed the unconditional fulfillment of the Agreed Framework. But the US has violated it. It will be censured by the international community for it, and lose its prestige as the "sole superpower" of the world. But grave developments will not be limited to that.
The DPRK-US Agreed Framework is a document signed between the countries, which have not yet established diplomatic relations, and have long been on hostile relations with each other. It strictly provides for the simultaneous action of both. The US has kept the DPRK from its independent nuclear development and made it suspend its secession from the NPT under agreement that it supplies the latter with light water reactors. But the US has infringed the Agreed Framework. It is not entitled to speak out against whatever decision Pyongyang will adopt. Properly speaking, the unsealing of testing reactors in the DPRK and its official withdrawal from the NPT are now drawing nearer.
The US must not hope that the matters will stand that way. But it is powerless to prevent it, because it has been divested of all its legal and moral rights through the nonfulfilment of the Agreed Framework.
In a bid to shirk its responsibility the US is now alleging absurdly that Pyongyang has not implemented the Agreed Framework faithfully. In addition, it randomly accuses the DPRK for its "missiles", "conventional weapons", and ''human rights" 'even, in a desperate attempt to shift all the blame for its default on to the innocent Republic. It is all the more despised and condemned by the international community for it.
Bereft of reason, the US may try to resort to "force". This will lead to the crisis of ten years ago recurring.
The US administration is advised not to lose its reason. It -can never reduce the DPRK to submission-by "strength". This has been testified to by its showdown with the latter over more than half a century. 2003 marks the 50th anniversary of the DPRK's victory in the Korean war (1950-1953). For the first time in history, it inflicted a crushing defeat on the US, which boasts of being "the strongest" in the world.
This year the DPRK will brace itself up to gain another victory in its confrontation with the US.
No doubt the US will be driven by the DPRK into a tight comer in 2003.
The US had best avoid its confrontation with the DPRK by all means. It should admit its responsibility, expedite the building of light water reactors at a maximum speed, and amply atone for the enormous economic losses it has inflicted on the DPRK by not meeting the deadline. Fortunately, Pyongyang still remains self-possessed. For the purpose of maintaining the DPRK-US Agreed Framework and rescuing bilateral relations from crisis the DPRK has proposed to resume its negotiations with the US and first debate on the loss of its power. The international community sympathizes entirely with this.
The US administration is urged to be wise to make a final decision in 2003, instead of standing at the crossroads of life or death like Hamlet.
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January 1st, 2003
Joint New Year Editorial issued in DPRK.
Pyongyang, January 1 (KCNA) -- Newspapers Rodong Sinmun, Josoninmingun and Chongnyonjonwi today published a joint editorial "Let Us Fully Demonstrate the Dignity and Might of the DPRK Under the Great Banner of Army-Based Policy" on the occasion of the New Year, Juche 92 (2003). Last year, Juche 91 (2002), was a year of historic victory during which the dignity and might of Juche Korea were fully demonstrated in all domains of the revolution and construction, the editorial says, and goes on:
Last year was a year of unity and grand political festivals which clearly bore witness to the politico-ideological might of our revolutionary ranks. Our army and people grandly commemorated the 90th birth anniversary of President Kim Il Sung and the 70th anniversary of the heroic Korean People's Army amidst the jubilation of the whole nation. The grand political events of the significant year, 2002, were the revolutionary festivals that fully demonstrated the Korean people's national honor of being blessed with the illustrious leaders generation after generation. They also demonstrated the iron faith and will of our army and people to carry forward the revolutionary traditions of Mt. Paektu forever.
In the course of the hard struggle the great traits of the perfect unity were displayed. The leader of the revolution and all the servicepersons and people breathed the same breath and shared the idea and destiny. No nuclear weapons can break our single hearted unity whereby the leader trusts the army and people and they absolutely worship and follow their leader.
Last year was a proud year during which the authority and might of the DPRK were fully displayed.
It was thanks to the correct foreign policy of our party and its dynamic activities that a favorable phase was opened for the building of a powerful nation and spectacular events took place drawing the attention of the world. The imperialist arbitrary and high-handed practices that struck the whole world with terror could not frighten us nor block our advance.
Last year was a year of changes during which a new leaping advance was made in the building of a powerful nation.
Our people pushed ahead with a bold struggle to mark the greatest holidays of the nation with proud achievements gained in the building of an economically strong country. With the torch of Ranam lit throughout the country a breakthrough was made to bring about a new economic surge and grand nature-harnessing projects including the land leveling and rezoning in South Hwanghae Province and the Kaechon-Lake Thaesong Waterway Project were carried out successfully.
New measures were taken to improve economic management and improve the standard of the people's living as required by the developing reality. It is a precious success registered in giving full play to the advantages of our-style socialism that a broad avenue was paved for the sustainable growth of our economy.
It is the fixed faith enshrined by our people while pulling through the ordeals that our leader, ideology, army and system are best and it is the most just way to build a powerful socialist nation.
All the victories won by our army and people in carrying out the cause of socialism last year are valuable fruition of leader Kim Jong Il's army-based line and his dynamic guidance.
The New Year, Juche 92 (2003), is a year of bold offensive and great change when a general advance should be made toward the high peak of building a powerful nation under the banner of the army-based policy, the editorial says, and goes on:
This year is a meaningful year which marks the 55th birthday of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, our glorious motherland.
To celebrate this anniversary with splendour is an important political work to firmly preserve the exploits performed by President Kim Il Sung, father of socialist Korea, for state building and eternally glorify the revolutionary achievements gained at the cost of blood. It is also a worthwhile patriotic work to encourage the entire party and army and all the people to win fresh victory and display the might of our country, our motherland.
This year's drive to brilliantly adorn the 55th birthday of the DPRK is a worthwhile struggle to comprehensively apply the Juche-based idea and line of giving top priority to the army in all fields of politics, the economy and culture.
We should vigorously step up the general onward movement for the building of a powerful nation under the slogan "Let Us Achieve a Great Victory with the Might of the Army-Based Policy Yhis Year, Which Marks the 55th Birthday of the DPRK".
In order to increase the might of the DPRK, it is important to consolidate the single hearted unity of the party, the army and the people based on the idea of giving top priority to the army as firm as a rock.
Our party's revolutionary idea of giving top priority to the army is the most steadfast idea of independence against imperialism. We should cement the ideological position and class position of socialism as an iron-wall, fully determined to fight against imperialism to the last. We should also heighten the revolutionary vigilance against the imperialists' ideological and cultural poisoning and firmly preserve our ideology, morality and our noble socialist way of life.
If the DPRK's might is to be fully demonstrated under the banner of the army-based policy, it is necessary to bring about a fresh change in the economic and cultural construction.
It is the fixed will of our party to radically change the appearance of the country and enable the people to live as happily as others in a few years to come. We should put into practice in all aspects leader Kim Jong Il's grand plan for the building of a prosperous and powerful nation, confident of the future of the DPRK.
Proceeding from the fundamental interests of the revolution, we should attach importance to the defence industry and direct primary efforts to it. Efforts should be made to effect fresh innovation in power, coal and metal industries and railway transport, considering these fields as a main link in the efforts to revitalize the national economy. The modernization of light industry should be accelerated to increase the production of quality consumer goods.
In agriculture, the party's policies of bringing about a radical change in seed selection and potato farming and ensuring double cropping should be strictly implemented to significantly increase the agricultural production. It is also important to steadily push ahead with large-scale land realignment projects and build Pyongyang, the capital city of revolution, more magnificently and beautifully to meet the need of the new century.
In order to effect a great surge in socialist economic construction, it is urgent to improve the economic management and rapidly develop science and technology.
We should manage and operate the economy in such a way as to ensure the largest profitability while firmly adhering to the socialist principles. It is essential to acquire advanced technology in earnest and actively introduce ultra-modern science and technology as required by the it era.
If the DPRK's dignity and sovereignty are to be firmly defended, it is important to strengthen our revolutionary armed forces in every way and decisively enhance their militant might and role.
All the officers and men of the people's army should get ready to strike and wipe out any formidable enemy our own way by thoroughly implementing the training-first slogan. They should combat illusion about the enemy and peace and always keep themselves combat-ready. Our people's army will wipe out the imperialist aggressors with unpredictable strike and mercilessly destroy their bulwark if they dare recklessly attack us, pursuant to their "policy of strength".
National defence and aid to the army represent a supreme patriotic work. All the people should do their utmost to increase the national defence capacity, considering the military affair as the most important affair of the state.
We should strengthen and develop our party into an invincible political weapon to accomplish the army-based revolutionary cause of Juche.
All the people should devote themselves to consolidating and developing the socialist system and achieving the prosperity of the DPRK with ardent patriotism.
We should become ardent patriots who value the sovereignty and dignity of the country and the nation more than our life by learning from the noble patriotism of the anti-Japanese revolutionary forerunners.
All the party members and other working people should fulfil their duty and obligation as citizens of the dignified DPRK.
The officials, the leading members of revolution, should have stronger anti-imperialist fighting spirit, revolutionary spirit and militancy than anyone else.
The young people should successfully inherit the heroic fighting sprit and trait the preceding generations displayed in the sacred anti-imperialist and anti-U.S. struggle and thus fulfil the important mission they have assumed before the era as a reserve combat unit of the supreme commander.
Our army and people are now fully confident of certain victory and optimistic about the future of the revolution. We will wage a staunch struggle with the indomitable stamina with which we defeated the two imperialisms so as to glorify this year, the 55th anniversary of the DPRK, as a year of great creation and victory in which the spirit of socialist Korea will be strikingly demonstrated.
Referring to the great progress made in the struggle for national reunification last year, the editorial says:
All the fellow countrymen in the north and the south and abroad dynamically advanced, holding high the banner of the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration. As a result, there took place dramatic events unprecedented in the history of national division.
An atmosphere of reconciliation, unity and reunification ran higher than ever before and exchange and cooperation were boosted between the north and the south.
The June 15 North-South Joint Declaration will as always remain a banner our nation should hold high in the movement for national reunification. The stand and attitude toward the declaration is a touchstone that distinguishes between patriotism and treachery. All the fellow countrymen should uphold the declaration as an invariable landmark for national reunification and bring about a decisive turn in the accomplishment of the cause of reunification with the might of the nation's driving force.
The success or failure of the movement for national reunification depends on how to preserve and implement the idea of "By Our Nation Itself", the basic spirit of the north-south joint declaration. All the fellow countrymen should give further momentum to the movement for national reunification under the uplifted slogan "Let Us Bring Earlier the Independent Reunification by the Concerted Efforts of Our Nation".
Cooperation between the compatriots is a short cut to reunification. We should place the common interests of the nation above anything else, subordinate everything to them and achieve the great national unity in the idea of national independence and patriotism. The anti-national moves to seek "cooperation" with outside forces, blinded by greed for power and comfort should be thoroughly rejected.
It is an urgent national task to avert the danger of war and preserve peace on the Korean Peninsula at present. There is neither reason nor condition for the fellow countrymen to strain the situation and disturb peace against the fellow countrymen as the north and the south are heading for reconciliation, unity and reunification. It can be said that there exists on the Korean Peninsula at present only confrontation between the Koreans in the north and the south and the United States. The United States is now becoming all the more frantic in its moves to stifle the DPRK, openly clamoring about a preemptive nuclear attack on it.
This is spoiling the atmosphere of reconciliation between the north and the south and posing a grave threat to peace. All the Koreans in the north and the south and abroad should approach the reckless and vicious war moves of the U.S. imperialists with high vigilance and deal a telling blow at them by the concerted efforts of the whole nation. The U.S. bellicose elements should clearly know that their strategy to dominate Korea is a pipe-dream, stop the provocative and military pressure and withdraw their aggression forces from South Korea without delay.
The great army-based policy is a policy of attaching importance to the nation as it is aimed to defend the sovereignty of the whole nation and a patriotic policy for its common prosperity. Whoever is concerned for the destiny and future of the nation should support and defend the army-based policy and remain true to it with ardent patriotism whether they be in the north and the south and abroad.
A very bright prospect is in store for the DPRK that has adorned its flag with great victories only.
We are sure to win as long as there are the invincible revolutionary army of Mt. Paektu and the steel-strong single-hearted unity of the party and the people. Under the banner of the great army-based policy our army and people will glorify forever the proud history and traditions of our republic that has always emerged victorious in the confrontation with imperialism.
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Sportspersons honored
Pyongyang, December 31 (KCNA) -- A ceremony of awarding citations to sportspersons of merits took place at the People's Palace of Culture on Dec. 30. At the ceremony woman weightlifter Ri Song Hui was awarded a watch bearing the august name of President Kim Il Sung, the Title of DPRK Woman Labour Hero, a Gold Medal (hammer and sickle) and National Flag Order First Class.
The same watches were conferred upon woman marathoner Ham Pong Sil, Jo Song Ok and 17 other women footballers and commendations of Kim Jong Il, General Secretary of the Workers' Party of Korea, upon Ri Song Gun, vice department director of the sports federation, and four coaches including Pak Hye Jong.
Titles of People's Sportsperson were granted to Kim Hyon Hui, Im Yong Su, Ri Jong Hyang, Kim Hae and 10 other marathoner, table-tennis players, gymnast, weightlifter and boxers and their coaches.
Honorary titles and orders and medals were awarded to many athletes, coaches and officials.
Gifts from Kim Jong Il were handed to weightlifter Ri Song Hui and coach Pak Hye Jong.
Present at the ceremony were Kim Yun Hyok, secretary of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly, Pak Myong Chol, chairman of the Korean Physical Culture and Sports Guidance Commission, and others.
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January 22nd, 2003
KCNA detailed report on circumstances of DPRK's withdrawal from NPT
Pyongyang, January 22 (KCNA) -- If the United States abandons its hostile policy and refrains from nuclear threat, the DPRK may substantiate through a special verification between the two countries that it does not manufacture nuclear weapons. The nuclear issue of the Korean Peninsula should be settled peacefully through fair negotiations that call upon both the DPRK and the U.S. to clear each other of their concerns on an equal footing. This is the consistent stand of the DPRK Government.
The Korean Central News Agency stresses this in a detailed report on the circumstances of the DPRK Government's withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, which was released yesterday.
On the details of the DPRK's accession to the NPT, the report says:
The purpose of the DPRK's accession to the NPT was to remove the U.S. nuclear threat to it and, mainly, to satisfactorily solve the power problem with nuclear energy.
After deciding to regard light water reactors as main means of electricity production in the country, the DPRK had contacts with some developed countries to purchase such reactors, but in vain. None of them responded to our request.
To begin with, we intended to buy advanced LWRS from western countries such as Canada, Sweden and France but failed to do so due to the U.S. obstruction based on the COCOM.
So, we had to negotiate with the former Soviet Union on this matter, though its LWR was less advanced than western countries' in technical aspect. At that time, the Soviet Union contended that its offer of nuclear-related technology to the DPRK would be possible only when it acceded to the NPT and signed the safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency. So, the DPRK prudently examined this matter.
The DPRK acceded to the NPT on December 12, 1985 for the purpose of ensuring international cooperation in nuclear power industry and, at the same time, removing the nuclear threat to itself and turning the Korean Peninsula into a nuclear-free zone.
On the circumstances of the delayed conclusion of the safeguards agreement, the report says:
Even after the DPRK's accession to the NPT, the United States escalated its nuclear threat to the DPRK, making it impossible for the former to sign the SA according to the NPT.
On Jan. 7, 1992, the South Korean Defence Ministry and the U.S. Department of Defense and the South Korea-U.S. "combined command" jointly declared the discontinuation of the "Team Spirit" joint military exercises. And high-level talks were held between the DPRK and the U.S. on Jan. 22, 1992.
As conditions and circumstances were created after the United States and South Korea made a verbal promise, the DPRK signed the SA with the IAEA on Jan. 30, 1992.
The third session of the ninth Supreme People's Assembly of the DPRK held on April 9, 1992, approved the SA on "the premise that none of the depositories of the NPT will deploy nukes on the Korean Peninsula and pose a nuclear threat to the DPRK," and the DPRK informed the IAEA of this approval on April 10, the following day.
The SA between the DPRK and the IAEA thus came into force from April 10, 1992.
Referring to the details of the DPRK's declaration of its withdrawal from the NPT, the report says:
After the conclusion of the SA between the DPRK and the IAEA, the United States spread the rumor about "suspected nuclear activities" in the DPRK's graphite-moderated reactor and its related facilities, sparking a "nuclear crisis".
An agreement was reached between the DPRK and the former Soviet Union on economic and technical cooperation in building nuclear power plants in 1985 after the DPRK's accession to the NPT. But, this agreement was not implemented except a site survey made for the project.
We, therefore, adopted it as a policy to create a nuclear power industry suited to its specific conditions to live our own way and began developing its own nuclear power technology.
For the development of its nuclear power industry, the DPRK chose a graphite-moderated type reactor which could be developed not with any other country's raw materials but with its own rich resources and technology.
Over the past years, the DPRK has honestly fulfilled its commitments under the SA.
We presented the initial inventory report on nuclear material and design information on nuclear facilities to the IAEA secretariat on May 4, 1992, far ahead of the schedule, which were to be sent until the end of the year under articles 42 and 62 of the SA.
We also ensured the DPRK visit of the IAEA delegation led by its general director from May 11 to 16, 1992, allowing it to inspect all the nuclear facilities it wished to see and even the objects it considered doubtful.
We provided full cooperation to the IAEA's ad-hoc inspection team in its activities on six occasions.
However, the United States and its followers of the IAEA secretariat used such inspections under the NPT and the SA to spy on the DPRK and undermine its socialist system.
Some of the IAEA secretariat systematically conveyed the results of the IAEA's inspections of the DPRK to the U.S., which, under the pretext of what the IAEA called "inconsistency", demanded a "special inspection" of DPRK's military objects, complicating the nuclear issue of the Korean Peninsula.
The U.S. invited the IAEA general director to a U.S. House of Representatives joint hearing on July 22, 1992, to inform it of the DPRK's nuclear program, while urging him to conduct a "special inspection" or "surprise inspection" of the DPRK.
Raising a hue and cry over the "suspected nuclear development" in the DPRK, the U.S. instigated some of the IAEA secretariat and certain member nations of the agency to adopt at the February, 1993, meeting of the IAEA board of governors an unreasonable "resolution", which called for an inspection of the DPRK's military facilities that have nothing to do with nuclear activities.
Timed to coincide with the adoption of this "resolution", the U.S. resumed the already suspended "Team Spirit", again seriously threatening the DPRK's sovereignty and right to existence.
Talks between the DPRK and the U.S. were held to discuss the "nuclear issue" at the former's request, but came to a rupture due to the long-standing hostile relationship and distrust between the two countries.
Under the prevailing situation, the DPRK proclaimed a semi-war state to defend the sovereignty and security of the country and decided to withdraw from the NPT on March 12, 1993 to protect its supreme interests.
It also took a measure of withdrawing from the IAEA on June 13, 1994 as the June 10, 1994, meeting of its board of governors adopted a resolution on the suspension of the agency's cooperation with the DPRK, calling for opening its military objects under the pretext of the "nuclear issue".
On the DPRK's unique status, the report says:
The DPRK's sincere efforts to prevent the outbreak of a war on the Korean Peninsula and ensure regional peace and stability and the world peace-loving people's strong demand compelled the United States to come out to the negotiating table for a peaceful solution to the nuclear issue of the peninsula.
The DPRK-U.S. joint statement was adopted on June 11, 1993, after several rounds of the bilateral negotiations.
In the statement, the U.S. promised not to use force including nukes against the DPRK nor threaten it with them but respect its sovereignty and refrain from interfering in its internal affairs.
And the DPRK decided to temporarily suspend the effect of its withdrawal from the NPT as long as it considers necessary.
The DPRK had thus been placed in a unique status as regards its relations with the NPT.
This unique status was also recognized by the United States and the IAEA secretariat.
After the publication of the DPRK-U.S. joint statement, three-phased talks took place between the two countries and they resulted in the adoption of the DPRK-U.S. agreed framework on October 21, 1994 which called for a fundamental solution to the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula.
The report elaborates on how the DPRK's withdrawal from the NPT on which it had declared a moratorium took effect. It says: The U.S. had no will to implement the AF from the beginning and has systematically violated the AF, calculating that the DPRK would collapse.
It has not honored its commitment to provide LWRs to the DPRK. The key point of the AF is the U.S. provision of LWRs to the DPRK in return for its freeze on nuclear facilities.
The U.S. deliberately delayed its conclusion of a contract on the provision of light water reactors to the DPRK, urging it to receive South Korean type LWRs.
As a result, the agreement on the provision of LWRs between the DPRK and the U.S.-led Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO) was concluded on December 15, 1995, almost 8 months after April 21 of the same year, the last day pointed out in the AF.
Only site preparation has been made in the project of the LWRs which the U.S. committed itself to provide to the DPRK by 2003 under the AF.
Due to the U.S. delayed provision of LWRs the DPRK suffered a huge loss of electricity and underwent a grave economic crisis which led to the present situation where even its right to existence is seriously threatened.
The U.S. has not sincerely honored its legal commitment to annually supply 500,000 tons of heavy oil to the DPRK in compensation for the energy loss caused by its freeze on graphite-moderated reactors and their related facilities until no. 1 light water reactor power plant is completed in line with paragraph 2 of article 1 of the AF.
At the DPRK-U.S. New York talks held in March 2000 the DPRK side suggested the U.S. to compensate for the loss of electricity caused by the delayed provision of the LWRs.
On November 14 last year the U.S. decided to stop supplying heavy oil to the DPRK from December, thus abandoning the last commitment it had been honoring under the AF.
This compelled the DPRK to restart its nuclear facilities, which had been frozen under the AF, to make up for a vacuum created in power generation due to the U.S. decision to stop supplying heavy oil to the DPRK.
According to article 2 of the AF, the DPRK Government decided to lift the measures whereby the U.S.-made goods were restricted from entering into the DPRK and the U.S.-flagged trading vessels were banned from entering ports in the DPRK when involved in the DPRK's trade with other countries from mid-January, 1995, three months since the adoption of the AF. But the U.S. lifted only part of such symbolic sanctions applied against the DPRK in travel, telecommunications, finance and passage of territorial air but did not take any substantial measures to ease sanctions in such fields as trade and investment barrier.
Under article 3 of the AF the U.S. is committed to give the DPRK formal assurances against the use or threat of nukes.
On 1993 when the DPRK-U.S. talks were under way for a peaceful settlement of the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, the U.S. worked out a "new operation plan 5027" for a preemptive nuclear attack on it behind the curtain of the dialogue and systematically stepped up its preparations to put it into practice to stifle the DPRK.
From early in 1995 "Foal Eagle 95", "Hoguk 96", "Rimpac 98", "Hwarang 98", "Ulji Focus Lens" joint military exercises and other nuclear war exercises targeted against the DPRK were frantically staged on the land, sea and in the air in all parts of South Korea almost everyday every year.
In February 1997 the U.S. moved depleted uranium shells from its Okinawa base to South Korea to deploy them there for an actual war and on June 8 that year it issued "an interim report" on the reexamination of the "U.S.-Japan defence cooperation guidelines" in Honolulu.
In January 1999 the U.S. Defense Secretary and the chairman of the U.S. joint chiefs of staff flew into South Korea to hold the 20th meeting of the "military commission" and the 30th "annual security consultative meeting" with South Korean brass hats at which they released a joint statement. In that statement they claimed that the DPRK remained a constant threat to their national interests and they would strongly retaliate against the DPRK with nukes and all other means in case of emergency.
No sooner had the authorities of the Bush administration taken office than they adopted it as their policy to stifle the DPRK by force and put the already started bilateral talks in total stalemate.
Bush went the lengths of letting loose vituperation against the supreme leadership of the DPRK and dubbed the DPRK "part of an axis of evil" in his "state of the union message" delivered at the congress on January 30, 2002.
A particular mention should be made of the fact that the Bush administration even went the lengths of listing the DPRK as a target of its preemptive nuclear attack, thus totally destroying the foundation of the AF and wantonly violating the basic spirit of the NPT.
In the wake of the Pyongyang visit of the U.S. President's special envoy early in October last year the Bush administration groundlessly pulled up the DPRK, asserting that it has pushed ahead with its nuclear program in violation of the AF, and blustered that there would be no bilateral talks and that would adversely affect the DPRK-Japan and inter-Korean relations unless the DPRK scraps its program.
The U.S. insisted on the brigandish assertion that the DPRK should receive nuclear inspection though it was stipulated in article 4 of the AF and in point 7 of the confidential mouth under the AF that the DPRK would receive it only after turbine, generator and other non-nuclear parts of LWRs are delivered to it, thus driving the situation to a phase worse than what was early in the 1990s.
The U.S. again instigated the IAEA on Jan. 6 this year to adopt an anti-DPRK "resolution" in the wake of the similar one on Nov. 29 last year.
The U.S., which openly scrapped the AF, instigated even the IAEA to internationalize its moves to stifle the DPRK, thus putting into practice its declaration of a war against the DPRK.
This compelled the DPRK to withdraw from the NPT, which is being misused as a tool for implementing the U.S. hostile policy toward the DPRK, in order to protect its sovereignty and right to existence.
As seen above, the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula is a product of the U.S. hostile policy toward the DPRK and, therefore, it is an issue to be settled between the DPRK and the U.S. through negotiations.
The conclusion of a non-aggression treaty between the DPRK and the U.S. would provide the only realistic way of fundamentally solving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula and peacefully settling the obtaining grave situation.
If the U.S. signs the treaty and legally assures the DPRK of its non-aggression including the non-use of nukes, the DPRK can also clear the U.S. of its security concerns.
Though the DPRK pulled out of the NPT its nuclear activities will be limited to peaceful purposes including power generation at the present stage.
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January 28th, 2003
KCNA calls for proper understanding of origin of nuclear issue
Pyongyang, January 27 (KCNA) -- The United Nations and some countries are trying to mediate the settlement of the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula through the dispatch of a special envoy and delegations to the DPRK. This is quite understandable now that the NPT is being gravely violated and the political and military situation on the peninsula and in Northeast Asia is deteriorating owing to the U.S. high-handed and arbitrary practices.
What should be made clear here is that the international community should have a correct understanding of the origin of the issue and what is the right way of solving it.
The nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula has not been settled but reached the extremes not because of the lack of the international community's efforts to mediate its solution.
The issue is the matter of bilateral nature that should be settled between the DPRK and the United States through negotiations as it is a product of the U.S. hostile policy toward the DPRK.
The U.S. is claiming that its unilateral demand represents the common view of the international community while describing the DPRK's restart of its frozen nuclear facilities and its withdrawal from the NPT as a "breach" of international law. This is no more than a crafty attempt and sophism to equate an assailant with a victim.
It was none other than the Bush administration that nullified what was achieved in the efforts to improve the DPRK-U.S. relations during its preceding administration, listed the DPRK as part of an "axis of evil" and singled it out as a target of preemptive nuclear attacks, thus breaching the basic spirit of the NPT and the DPRK-U.S. Agreed Framework.
The DPRK's decision to withdraw from the NPT is being described by some of the international community as an international issue of universal importance related to the fate of the NPT because of such base moves of the U.S. and the IAEA which acts its political waiting maid away from the principle and impartiality as an international organization.
If other countries are interested in the solution to the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, they should bear in mind that the only thing they are requested to do is to urge the U.S. to come out to the negotiations with the DPRK without preconditions.
If they behave with the contention that the DPRK should move unilaterally or it is the way of solving the issue to internationalize it, ignoring the unavoidable stark historical fact related to the settlement of the issue, they will only create an unpredictable complexity and difficulties in the solution of the issue and the efforts to establish justice and equality in the international relations will fail, either.
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KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
March 1st, 2003
U.S. indicted for spawning nuclear issue on Korean Peninsula
Pyongyang, February 28 (KCNA) -- The Lawyers' Committee of the DPRK today indicted the U.S. for its criminal act of spawning the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula. The indictment says:
The Bush administration's non-compliance with the commitments made between the DPRK and the U.S. for the solution to the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula is a breach of the principle of international law which calls on the signatories to a treaty to honor their commitments.
The Bush administration has not fulfilled anything it committed itself to honor in return for the DPRK's measures of declaring its moratorium on its withdrawal from the Nuclear non-Proliferation Treaty and keeping its graphite-moderated reactor and its related nuclear facilities frozen in line with the June 11, 1993 DPRK-U.S. joint statement and the October 21, 1994 DPRK-U.S. Agreed Framework.
Firstly, the U.S. backpedaled its commitment to provide LWR power plants with a total generating capacity of 2,000 mw by 2003 to replace the DPRK's graphite-moderated reactor and its related facilities and fled from its responsibility to make up for the loss of electricity caused by the delayed provision of the power plants.
Secondly, the U.S. is committed to annually supply 500,000 tons of heavy oil to the DPRK to make up for the loss of electricity caused by the frozen graphite-moderated reactor and its related facilities but the U.S. made an irregular delivery of it very often, thus throwing the economic development in the DPRK in confusion. The U.S. even went the lengths of completely stopping its supply from December 2002.
Thirdly, the U.S. asserted that earlier inspection should be made at the phase where only site preparation is under way for the light water reactor power plants in contravention of its commitment made under paragraph 7 of the confidential minutes subject to AF which calls for inspection for verifying the accuracy and integrity of the initial report on the nuclear substance only after a considerable portion of the light water projects is completed, ie after turbines, generators and other non-nuclear parts have been delivered.
Fourthly, it has kept applying its political and economic sanctions against the DPRK while refusing to comply with its commitments to ease trade and investment barriers including the lift of restrictions on telecommunications service and financial transactions three months after the adoption of the AF with a view to fully normalizing the political and economic relations between the two countries.
Fifthly, the U.S. drove the situation on the Korean Peninsula to the brink of war by openly posing a threat of military attack to the DPRK after singling it out as a "target of nuclear attack" in violation of its commitment to give the DPRK formal assurances against its use or threat of nukes so as to turn the Korean Peninsula into a nuclear free zone and ensure peace and security there.
Sixthly, the U.S. put the already started DPRK-U.S. talks in a total stalemate and threatened to bring the DPRK down, groundlessly terming it "part of an axis of evil" and a "rogue state," in violation of its commitments to respect the sovereignty of the other side, not to interfere in its internal affairs but have a dialogue with it on a fair and equal footing.
Seventhly, the U.S. stood in the way of the project of reconnecting the railways in the western coastal area and other inter-Korean economic cooperation in violation of its commitment to support the peaceful reunification of Korea, asserting that there should be no improved inter-Korean relations unless those materials about the nuclear issue gathered by it are verified.
The Bush administration's non-compliance with the agreements which the DPRK concluded with its preceding administration is a grave illegal act and base perfidy as it wantonly violated the principles of international law which calls for equality between the signatories to a treaty and their sincere implementation of the international commitments. The Bush administration's refusal to honor any of the bilateral agreements not only constitutes an act of breaking international faith and betraying the other signatory but a breach of the "declaration of principles of international law to be observed by states on the basis of the UN Charter" and the Vienna Convention on the treaty law, which call for sincerely implementing commitments under an international treaty.
However, the Bush administration has worked hard to conceal its unlawful act of breaking international faith while creating the impression that Pyongyang has violated the DPRK-U.S. agreements on the basis of the recently obtained information in a bid to flee from the responsibility for spawning the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula.
Groundlessly accusing the DPRK of pushing forward the nuclear program after the Pyongyang visit of the special envoy of the U.S. President early in October 2002, the U.S. administration stood in the way of the DPRK-Japan talks and the inter-Korean cooperation, arguing that there will be no DPRK-U.S. talks and the DPRK-Japan and the north-south relations will be adversely affected unless Pyongyang scraps the program.
The U.S. threat of preemptive nuclear attack on the DPRK virtually annulled the joint declaration on the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula issued by the north and the south of Korea in January 1992, making it meaningless for the DPRK to remain under the NPT.
The DPRK's withdrawal from the NPT was a self-defensive measure taken under the situation where the preconditions for its accession to the NPT--the U.S. should neither deploy nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula nor pose a nuclear threat to the DPRK--were not met.
Article 10 a of the NPT stipulates that "each party shall in exercising its national sovereignty have the right to withdraw from treaty if it decides that extraordinary events related to the subject matter of this treaty have jeopardized the supreme interests of its country. It shall give notice of such withdrawal to all other parties to the treaty and to the un security council three months in advance."
Therefore, it is an exercise of its right as a party to the treaty to cope with the grave situation where its supreme interests have been exposed to serious jeopardy.
The DPRK's withdrawal from the treaty was in full accord with the norms of the Vienna convention on the treaty law as Washington has not implemented its commitments under the AF but finally scrapped it.
The DPRK's withdrawal from the NPT was a final decision which took an immediate effect.
The DPRK Government declared the immediate effectuation of its withdrawal from the treaty in its January 10, 2003, statement because it lifted the moratorium on the effectuation of the withdrawal in the DPRK-U.S. Joint Statement on June 11, 1993, one day before its deadline, ie three months after the declaration of its withdrawal from the treaty on March 12 of the same year.
According to the general principle of international law on the suspension of prescription, the period of prescription does not become invalid in case it was suspended and it takes effect after the lapse of the remaining period of prescription since the lift of suspension.
Therefore, the day after the DPRK lifted the temporary suspension of the effectuation of its withdrawal from the NPT becomes the last day of the three months stipulated in the article for the withdrawal and also becomes the day the DPRK's withdrawal from the NPT takes its final effect.
As the DPRK's withdrawal from the NPT took effect, there remains no longer any legally binding relations between the DPRK and the international atomic energy agency as it nullified all the rights and duties under the treaty including the safeguards agreement that had existed between the two sides.
The Bush administration, however, put in motion the IAEA, which has no legal mandate to discuss the DPRK's "nuclear issue," to internationalize the issue and create an atmosphere of international pressure upon the DPRK.
The U.S. should unconditionally accept the DPRK proposal for concluding a non-aggression treaty for the settlement of the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula.
Peace and stability have not settled on the Korean Peninsula but the situation there is getting tenser with each passing day. The U.S. is entirely to blame for this.
The nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula should be settled by way of holding the DPRK-U.S. dialogue on an equal footing and by concluding a non-aggression treaty between them in view of the circumstances of its emergence, the true nature of the crisis and the responsibility for it.
The DPRK-U.S. non-aggression treaty should be an international treaty with strong assurances as it should be ratified by the DPRK's Supreme People's Assembly and both houses of U.S. Congress, the highest law-making institutions in both countries.
The DPRK's proposal for concluding the treaty is aimed to provide a legal binding force to control and prevent the U.S. from using nukes and posing a threat of military attack to it.
It is not a leverage to get a sort of reward nor is it a temporary expedient so-called "brinkmanship tactics."
The U.S. should immediately respond to the DPRK's proposal for concluding a non-aggression treaty, instead of trying to flee from its responsibility for spawning the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula from an international legal point of view.
It is the hope of the Lawyers' Committee of the DPRK that the governments, judicial organizations and lawyers of the world would extend support and solidarity to the DPRK Government's principled stand to find a fair settlement of the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula.
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April 30th, 2003
DPRK FM spokesman accuses U.S. of derailing denuclearization Process in Korea.
Pyongyang, April 30 (KCNA) -- A spokesman for the DPRK Foreign Ministry issued a statement today as regards the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. that has entered a crucial phase. The statement says:
The denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula was proposed by the DPRK and it has made positive efforts for it as it is the wish of the whole Korean nation.
The DPRK government has long consistently called for the denuclearization of the peninsula from its peace-loving stand.
In January 1992 it adopted the "joint declaration on denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula" with South Korea and has striven hard to implement it by the efforts of the whole nation.
The U.S. however, has persistently pursued its strategic aim, going against the desire of the Korean nation. Finally it went to the lengths of torpedoing the process of denuclearization in Korea.
It is a publicly recognized principle and requirements of international law that nuclear weapons states should respect the status of non-nuclear states and refrain from threatening those countries with all types of arms including nukes.
But from the very day of its assumption of office, the present U.S. administration, not content with pursuing an undisguised hostile policy toward the DPRK, singled out it as part of "an axis of evil" and a target of U.S. preemptive nuclear attacks, wantonly violating the NPT and all other international agreements and virtually reducing the inter-Korean declaration on denuclearization to a dead document.
The DPRK called for the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula to ensure peace and protect the sovereignty and the dignity of the nation, not to disarm itself under the U.S. pressure and fall victim to a war.
The reality requires the DPRK to deter the escalating U.S. moves to stifle the DPRK with a physical force, compels it to opt for possessing a necessary deterrent force and put it into practice.
The U.S. is entirely to blame for this development.
The U.S. describes this stand of the DPRK as "threat" and "blackmail" to it.
It is, however, illogical.
The U.S. was the first to have access to nukes and is the world's biggest possessor of weapons of mass destruction.
The Bush administration asserts that it is just for the U.S. to mount preemptive attacks on other countries when it deems necessary and has already perpetrated them in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Such a war group of the superpower openly listed the DPRK as part of "an axis of evil" and a target of its preemptive nuclear attack. Isn't it a threat?
How can the possession of means by such a small country as the DPRK for just self-defence along be "threat" and "blackmail"?.
This is just like a guilty party filing the suit first.
The DPRK has already set forth a practical proposal to cross over the prevailing crisis in a peaceful manner and fundamentally settle the nuclear issue at the recent Beijing talks and the U.S. delegation went back after properly hearing about the DPRK's stand.
The U.S. administration is now becoming increasingly assertive that the DPRK's issue be referred to the UN again in a bid to internationalize it.
The UN is not a body meant to control small countries in the interests of big countries.
If the UNSC is to discuss the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, it should take to task the U.S. blame for having derailed the process of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
If the U.S. finally brings up the nuclear issue for discussion at the un and abuses its name again, the DPRK will be left with no option but to consider taking practical measures to cope with an emergency.
It will be clearer that what the DPRK will decide will be neither a threat nor blackmail.
Whether the Korean Peninsula becomes denuclearized or not will entirely depend on the U.S. policy.
KCNA
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May 9th, 2003
Seminar on relations between DPRK and EU held in London.
Pyongyang, May 9 (KCNA) -- A seminar on the relations between the DPRK and the EU was held in London on May 2 under the sponsorship of the London Institute for International Strategic Studies of Britain. It was attended by the delegation of the DPRK Foreign Ministry led by Choe Su Hon, vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the DPRK charge d'affaires ad interim in Britain, Bill Rummell, deputy Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of UK, and its other officials concerned and members of the British parliament and the European parliament and figures of political and academic circles in Germany, France, Belgium and other countries and foreign diplomatic envoys in London.
Speeches were made by the vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of the DPRK and the deputy foreign secretary of UK at the seminar.
Speeches were made on the subjects of "nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula", "international economic relations of the DPRK" and "prospects of the peace, stability and reunification of the Korean Peninsula." then questions were raised and views exchanged.
KCNA
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May 2003
Principled matters to be abided by in promoting inter-Korean economic cooperation
Pyongyang, May 20 (KCNA) -- Head of the delegation of the north side Pak Chang Ryon, chairman of the north side to the north-south committee for the promotion of economic cooperation who is first vice-chairman of the State Planning Commission, in his keynote speech made at the 5th meeting of the committee opened here today clarified the principled matters the parties concerned with the north-south economic cooperation should abide by in promoting the economic cooperation in the future. He said that both sides should cooperate with each other and promote reconciliation and cooperation in the basic spirit of the June 15 Joint Declaration, no matter what others may say and how the surrounding environment may change.
He continued:
The north and the south should, among other things, regard the basic spirit of the June 15 Joint Declaration as unshakable guidelines in promoting the economic cooperation between the two sides.
The two sides should greatly value the common idea of "by our nation itself" and energetically push ahead with economic cooperation through national cooperation no matter what great challenges they may face at home and abroad.
Both sides should maintain the stand of keeping faith in economic cooperation.
It is very important for them to wipe out the mutual misunderstanding and distrust and deepen confidence to keep faith in economic cooperation.
He expressed the expectation that the two sides will successfully discuss and solve the issues raised by pooling wisdom and energy and thus make the current meeting bring good results to the fellow countrymen as it has been opened at a significant juncture when the nation will observe the third anniversary of the June 15 Joint Declaration.
He advanced a series of proposals for economic cooperation including the issues of reconnecting the rail and road links, the construction of the Kaesong Industrial Zone and the issue of preventing flood damage along the River Rimjin.
He dismissed the south side's attitude taken as regards the "joint statement" worked out with the U.S. as a perfidious act of running counter to the basic spirit of the joint declaration and an improper act of actively following its policy to stifle the DPRK militarily and economically.
The south side should bear in mind that the inter-Korean relations will be put at the lowest ebb and the south side will sustain an unspeakable disaster if it turns to confrontation, talking about "nuclear issue" and "additional measures," he said, adding:
The attitude taken by the south side as regards the "joint statement" is now arousing great disappointment and concern at home and abroad.
We express deep regret at this and hold that there should be an understandable clarification of it from the south side.
The head of the delegation of the south side made a keynote address at the meeting.
North side advanced a draft agreement of the current meeting.
KCNA
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May 2003
Russia-China joint declaration refers to Korean issue
Moscow, May 28 (KCNA) -- Russian President V. V. Putin and Chinese President Hu Jintao signed a Russia-China joint declaration in Moscow on May 27, according to Itar-Tass. The joint declaration referred to the Korean issue as follows:
Both sides expressed their belief that to maintain peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula is in conformity not only with the security interests of both china and Russia, but also with the common aspiration of the international community.
Both sides voiced their opposition to resorting to pressure or military means in solving the problem.
Both sides agreed to guarantee the nuclear-free status of the Korean Peninsula, nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the security of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, and to create favorable conditions for the DPRK's social-economic development.
Both sides stressed that the key to resolving the Korean Peninsula issue lies in the political will of the concerned parties, and that the crisis should be solved by political and diplomatic means.
The two sides also vowed to strengthen their cooperation in maintaining peace, stability and development on the Korean Peninsula.
KCNA
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June 2003.
On the 39th anniversary when leader Kim Jong Il started his work at the Central Committee of WPK and 3rd anniversary of publication of 15th of June North and South Joint Declaration.
The DPRK celebrates in June 2003 the 39th anniversary when leader Kim Jong Il started his work at the Central Committee of WPK and 3rd anniversary of publication of 15th of June North and South Joint Declaration.
The both anniversaries are especially significant for Korean people and for all the progressive powers in the world.
It is a matter of extreme importance that leader Kim Jong Il has succeeded to continue president Kim Il Sung´s genious politics and even to develope further the Juche Idea for benefit of Korean people and for all the nations of the world.
Especially the army-first -politics has been a great realization in order to strenghten Korean socialism.
Additionally, the army-first politics has made it possible for the DPRK to discuss in equality and independently with other states.
The hostile US-led imperialist quarters have been obliged to confess the power of the Democratic People´s Republic of Korea and the power of Workers´ Party of Korea alike.
Thanks to Leader Kim Jong Il Korean people and all the progressive people in the world can celebrate the 3rd anniversary of publication of 15th of June North and South Joint Declaration.
The North and South Joint Declaration was a historical turning point and a significant leap forwards in order to advance the reunification process and to maintain peace at Korean peninsula.
In spite of imperialism´s efforts to disturb positive developements in Korea the reunification process has progressed in an incredible way, step by step towards the final goal, national unity and forming of the Democratic Federal Republic of Koryo.
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August 13th, 2003
DPRK's Stand on Six-party Talks Clarified
Pyongyang, August 13 (KCNA) -- A spokesman for the Foreign Ministry of the DPRK Wednesday issued the following statement clarifying the DPRK's stand on the six-party talks: Some disturbing views and assertions intended to becloud the prospect of solving the nuclear issue are heard from inside and outside the U.S. administration with the six-party talks at hand.
The U.S. is making an unreasonable unilateral assertion that the DPRK must dismantle its nuclear deterrent force before dialogue if it wants to get more aid from the international community, talking about the "written security assurances", the idea set out by Congress, or "collective security assurances" to be given by the U.S. together with countries around Korea, instead of responding to the proposal to conclude a non-aggression treaty with the DPRK.
There is also a rumor that Washington intends to form an inspection team involving five countries expected to attend the six-party talks and carry out an "earlier inspection" of the DPRK so as to verify Pyongyang's will to scrap its nuclear program before dialogue.
If this is the true U.S. approach towards the talks, one may come to the conclusion that at the coming talks the U.S. will seek a sinister aim of forcing the DPRK to scrap its "nuclear program" in a bid to completely disarm it in return for giving it "security assurances" with a paper without any binding force. This approach suggests that it would be hard to expect any substantial results from the talks.
Clear is the stand of the DPRK on the talks.
Firstly, it wants to confirm the U.S. willingness to make a switchover in its Korea policy.
A master key to the solution to the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. is for the latter to make a fundamental switchover in its hostile policy toward the former.
The nuclear issue surfaced and deteriorated as the present U.S. administration listed the DPRK as part of "an axis of evil" and the target of preemptive nuclear attack and ditched the DPRK-U.S. Agreed Framework.
Therefore, the U.S. switchover in its hostile policy towards the DPRK comes as a precondition for the solution to the nuclear issue.
It will be considered that the U.S. has practically given up its hostile policy toward the DPRK when a non-aggression treaty with legal binding is concluded and diplomatic relations are established between the DPRK and the U.S. and it is made clear that the U.S. does not obstruct economic cooperation between the DPRK and other countries.
At the Beijing talks in April the U.S. tried to play a trick, not seeking to make a policy switchover. At the upcoming six-way talks the U.S. will have to give an answer as regards the dramatic proposal made by the DPRK at the Beijing talks for the settlement of the nuclear issue between the two countries.
By the answer the DPRK will judge whether the U.S. is willing to make a policy switchover or it will continue to play a trick.
If it is confirmed that the six-way talks are nothing but another pitfall for disarming the DPRK in spite of its utmost magnanimity, the DPRK will be left with no other option.
It is clear that as long as the U.S. insists on its hostile policy toward the DPRK, the latter will not abandon its nuclear deterrent force.
Secondly, the DPRK does not demand of the U.S. a "guarantee for security or for system" as a present, but wants to conclude a non-aggression treaty that would strictly and legally guarantee that neither of the two sides attacks the other. The DPRK does not ask anyone to provide a guarantee for the security of its system. Its system is the socialist system of Korean style chosen by its people. It is not a matter that needs a guarantee by a third party. It is an insult to the DPRK to talk about "security" of its system guaranteed by a third party. Its system is guaranteed and safeguarded by its people themselves.
The proposal made by the DPRK for the conclusion of a non-aggression treaty between the DPRK and the U.S. is aimed at preventing a war on the Korean peninsula and guaranteeing the security and prosperity of all the Korean people. It is not a call for a collective "guarantee for the system and for security" by the participants in the multilateral talks at all.
Only the U.S. is threatening the DPRK. The very source of the danger of war on the Korean peninsula is the hostile relations between the DPRK and the U.S. and, to put it more concretely, the U.S. hostile policy toward the DPRK.
The surrounding countries, except the United States, unanimously oppose a war and, in this sense, have established good neighborly and friendly relations or are committed to non-aggression with the DPRK. Therefore, the conception of "guarantee of collective security" is meaningless and there will be no need of it for us in the future either.
The doctrine of "expression of the will to give up the nuclear program in exchange for security guarantee" is meant, in the final analysis, not to solve the nuclear issue by simultaneous action and it is nothing but a dishonest jugglery to legalize international pressure for disarming the DPRK by branding it as "an offender of law."
The DPRK and the U.S. stands in extreme hostile relations. So, the U.S. steps of policy switchover and the steps for the solution of the nuclear issue must be taken strictly on the principle of simultaneous action by both sides.
It is our immovable judgment that shunning a solution of the problem by simultaneous action and persisting in the DPRK acting first are, in essence, intended to disarm it and swallow it up.
A solution of the problem can be sincerely discussed only by the method of "give-and-take" talks.
Thirdly, an "earlier inspection" is impossible and unthinkable before the U.S. abandons its hostile policy against the DPRK. The call for an "earlier inspection" of the nuclear facilities of the DPRK is an outrageous interference in the DPRK's internal affairs and infringement upon its sovereignty.
By abusing the safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency, the U.S. has so far used verification by inspection as a lever for stifling our system and is still trying to completely disarm the DPRK under the pretext of verification.
That is why we deal with inspection with utmost alertness.
The matter of verification through inspection can be discussed only after it is confirmed that the U.S. has abandoned its hostile policy and renounced nuclear threats against the DPRK.
It is a mistake if the U.S. attempts to force an "earlier inspection" upon the DPRK, putting it on a par with Iraq.
The U.S. should approach the talks, clearly seeing that its policy switchover toward the DPRK is the key to the solution of the problem.
KCNA
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August 29th, 2003
Keynote Speeches Made at Six-way Talks
Pyongyang, August 29 (KCNA) -- Heads of delegations to the six-way talks on the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. made keynote speeches at the talks opened in Beijing on August 27. Assistant State Secretary James Kelly, head of the U.S. delegation, said that the U.S. immediate purpose is to ensure that the north Korean nuclear program is eliminated in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner. He added that the U.S. can discuss security assurances and political and economic benefits only when the DPRK eliminates its nuclear weapons program completely, verifiably and irreversibly.
Noting that the U.S. would not pursue the bilateral talks with the DPRK for the solution to the nuclear issue, he said: Once the DPRK's nuclear weapons program is eliminated, the U.S. is prepared to start bilateral negotiations on a series of issues, including missiles, conventional weapons, counterfeiting and drug smuggling, terrorism, human rights and abduction. That would be aimed to normalize the bilateral relations.
The conclusion of any non-aggression treaty is neither appropriate nor necessary. The U.S. is, therefore, not interested in it. Once the DPRK's verifiable and irreversible abandonment of the nuclear weapons program is confirmed, the U.S. would be ready to discuss security concerns with other countries at the next talks.
Kim Yong Il, vice-minister of Foreign Affairs, who is leading the DPRK delegation to the six-way talks on the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S., in his keynote speech made clear the principled stand on the settlement of the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S.
He said:
The denuclearization of the Korean peninsula is the general goal of the DPRK. It is not our goal to have nuclear weapons.
The denuclearization of the Korean peninsula was our initiative and it is our consistent stand and the desire of all Koreans to realise it. The U.S. is, however, standing in its way.
If the nuclear issue between the two countries is to be peacefully settled through dialogue the U.S. should make a radical switchover in its policy toward the DPRK.
This is a master key to and a precondition for the settlement of the nuclear issue
The Bush administration openly disclosed its attempt to use nuclear weapons after listing the DPRK as part of "an axis of evil" and a target of a "preemptive nuclear attack."
This prompted us to judge that the Bush administration is going to stifle our system by force and decide to build a strong deterrent force to cope with it. Hence, we determined to possess that force. Our deterrent force is not aimed to attack somebody without any proper reason. It is a means for self-defence to protect our sovereignty.
We can dismantle our nuclear program if the U.S. makes a switchover in its hostile policy towards us and does not pose any threat to us.
The benchmark for our judgement that the U.S. no longer antagonizes us will be provided only when a non-aggression treaty is concluded between the DPRK and the U.S., diplomatic relations opened between them and the U.S. does not obstruct our economic dealing with other countries.
The non-aggression treaty called for by us is by no means to demand "security assurances," but to have a non-aggression treaty with legal biding force whereby both signatories commit themselves to non-aggression.
The U.S. can not shirk its responsibility for having suspended the implementation of the agreed framework.
We have fully fulfilled our commitment to freeze our nuclear facility since the adoption of the agreed framework.
Kelly who came to the DPRK as a special envoy of President Bush in October 2002, failing to present any specific "evidence", groundlessly pulled us up, using coercive words and rudely behaving ignoring the Oriental custom. He claimed that we have secretly pushed forward an enriched uranium program in breach of the Agreed Framework.
In this regard we made it clear that we have no secret nuclear program but we are entitled to have weapons more powerful than those based on enriched uranium. We have powerful weapons, including single-hearted unity. After Kelly's Pyongyang visit, the U.S. misled the public opinion, saying that we admitted to the secret nuclear program and unilaterally stopped the supply of heavy fuel oil from November, 2002.
The DPRK-U.S. Agreed Framework concluded in October 1994 was thus nullified due to the U.S. unilateral refusal to fulfil its commitments.
The DPRK has abided by the principle that the measures for settling the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. should be implemented by simultaneous actions.
These actions provide a realistic way of realizing the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.
Any opposition to the simultaneous actions would mean opposing the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula and, furthermore, can not be construed otherwise than a revelation of an intention to disarm the DPRK and swallow it up. "Early inspection" can never be accepted in any case, he said, setting out our proposal for a package solution to the nuclear issue and the order of simultaneous actions.
He further said:
For a package solution, the U.S. should conclude a non-aggression treaty with the DPRK, establish diplomatic relations with it and guarantee the economic cooperation between the DPRK and Japan and between the north and the south of Korea. And it should also compensate for the loss of electricity caused by the delayed provision of light water reactors and complete their construction.
For this, the DPRK should not make nuclear weapons and allow the nuclear inspection, finally dismantle its nuclear facility, put on ice the missile testfire and stop its export.
According to the order of simultaneous actions, the U.S. should resume the supply of heavy fuel oil, sharply increase the humanitarian food aid while the DPRK should declare its will to scrap its nuclear program.
According to this order, we will allow the refreeze of our nuclear facility and nuclear substance and monitoring and inspection of them from the time the U.S. has concluded a non-aggression treaty with the DPRK and compensated for the loss of electricity.
We will settle the missile issue when diplomatic relations are opened between the DPRK and the U.S. and between the DPRK and Japan.
And we will dismantle our nuclear facility from the time the LWRs are completed.
Clarifying the principled stand of the DPRK on finding a solution to the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S., our delegation would like to advance the following proposal prompted by the desire to make the six-way talks fruitful.
First, the DPRK and the U.S. should make clear their will to clear up bilateral concerns.
The DPRK will clarify its will to dismantle its nuclear program if the U.S. makes clear its will to give up its hostile policy toward the DPRK.
Second, all the countries participating in the six-way talks should agree on the principle to implement the measures for solving the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. through simultaneous actions.
If our reasonable proposal is turned aside at the talks, we will judge that the U.S. does not intend to give up its attempt to stifle the DPRK by force at an appropriate time while persistently insisting the DPRK "scrap its nuclear program first" to waste time.
In this case the DPRK can not dismantle its nuclear deterrent force but will have no option but to increase it. Whether the nuclear issue will be settled or not depends on the U.S. attitude.
Chinese, Russian, south Korean and Japanese sides made keynote remarks at the talks.
Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Wang Yi, head of the Chinese delegation, said the nuclear issue should be solved peacefully, adding that the conclusion of a non-aggression treaty, peaceful co-existence and normalization of relations with the U.S. and the establishment of economic and trade relations with other countries proposed by the DPRK are a positive, constructive, just and rational offer. He noted that the conclusion of the non-aggression treaty should be settled through the DPRK-U.S. direct talks and the issues of denuclearization of the Korean peninsula and security concerns raised by the DPRK should be solved simultaneously. It is important to achieve durable peace on the Korean peninsula by establishing a peace mechanism on the peninsula with the peaceful settlement of the nuclear issue as a momentum, and the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula is favorable for protecting the fundamental interests of the north and the south of Korea and the stable situation in Northeast Asia, he said.
Russian Vice Foreign Minister Losyukov, head of the Russian delegation, said an emergency measure is needed to defuse the tensions on the Korean peninsula, noting that it is important to work out a "roadmap" by incorporating each other's measures.
He noted that Russia is interested in ensuring denuclearization and durable peace on the Korean peninsula and maintaining reliable security for all the countries in the region and developing the mutually beneficial cooperation.
Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade of south Korea Lee Soo-Hyuck, head of the south Korean delegation, set out the "simultaneous action order," promising to sincerely implement the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration and continue the economic aid to the DPRK on the basis of compatriotism and humanitarianism and noting the nuclear issue should be comprehensively solved.
Department Director of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs Mitoji Yabunaka, head of the Japanese delegation, noted that it is necessary to solve the missile and abduction issues in a comprehensive way together with the nuclear issue.
Through the keynote remarks made by each delegation at the six-way talks one may comment on the stance of each country as follows:
The DPRK reclarified its consistent stand that its goal is the denuclearization and the guarantee of peace and security on the Korean peninsula and comprehensively set out a clear orientation and specific ways for the peaceful settlement of the nuclear issue including the principle of simultaneous actions.
The DPRK set the goal of dropping its nuclear program from the time the U.S. abandons its hostile policy towards the DPRK and advanced a package solution and simultaneous action order, calling for implementing all the measures to attain the goal on a phased basis on the principle of simultaneous actions.
China, Russia and south Korea also referred to the package solution and the way of simultaneous actions, urging the peaceful settlement of the nuclear issue.
Japan took the attitude to use the six-way talks for meeting its political interests, focusing on the abduction issue rather than the settlement of the nuclear issue. The prevailing tone of the keynote remarks is that it is imperative to achieve denuclearization and peace and stability on the Korean peninsula, peacefully solve the nuclear issue and to this end give a package solution to all issues of concerns between the DPRK and the U.S. on a phased basis on the principle of simultaneous actions.
But regrettably, the United States flatly refused such views.
The United States opposed the package solution and the principle of simultaneous actions instead of expressing its will to make a practical switchover in its policy.
It is the U.S. stand that only when the DPRK scraps its nuclear program first the U.S. can discuss issues of security assurances and economic aid and the issues of missile, conventional weapons, human rights and other issues should be discussed if the DPRK wants to normalize the relations with the U.S. even after it completely abandons its nuclear program.
The United States said the next talks can take place only when the DPRK expresses its intention to scrap its nuclear program.
In the final analysis, the U.S. would move only after the DPRK is completely disarmed.
It is against common sense to raise such a demand to its counterpart at the talks when the DPRK and the U.S. are standing in confrontation with each other with arms and this raises a serious question as to its true intention.
The DPRK cannot but interpret this otherwise than a U.S. intention to invade it after it is disarmed.
It is a brigandish like demand beyond the tolerance limit.
It has become clearer through the six-way talks that the United States is forcing the DPRK to disarm, while persistently pursuing its hostile policy toward the DPRK.
In fact, the DPRK hoped that an agreement was reached between them at the talks whereby the DPRK could be able to express its will to scrap its nuclear program in return for the U.S. manifestation of its will to make a policy switchover at least and the hard-won dialogue would go on.
As such expectation was betrayed, it is not difficult to guess how the DPRK will react to it.
By flatly refusing to exchange even words expressing the will to make policy switchover, the United States put the prospect of the next talks at peril.
KCNA
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October 3rd, 2003.
KCNA - A spokesman for the DPRK Foreign Ministry issued a statement on October 2nd, 2003 as regards a rumor afloat in the international arena that the nuclear facility in Nyongbyon stopped its operation and the six-way talks on the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. will resume in October or November. Dismissing this as totally groundless, he continued: "As we have already declared, the DPRK resumed nuclear activities for a peaceful purpose, i.e. it fired up the 5 MW nuclear reactor in Nyongbyon and is now stepping up the preparations for the construction of a graphite-moderated reactor. As part of it, the DPRK successfully finished the reprocessing of some 8,000 spent fuel rods.
KCNA
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October 3rd 2003.
Head of DPRK Delegation Addresses U.N. General Assembly
Pyongyang, October 3 (KCNA) -- Choe Su Hon, vice-minister of Foreign Affairs who is heading the DPRK delegation, in a speech made at the 58th session of the United Nations General Assembly on Sept. 30 said that the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula is the ultimate goal and initiative of the DPRK and an earnest desire of the entire Korean nation. He said:
At the six-party talks held in Beijing in late August, the DPRK set as the goal the abandonment by the United States of its policy hostile to the DPRK in exchange for renunciation of our nuclear program. To achieve that goal, the DPRK proposed to take all necessary measures through the package deal and work towards their implementation on a step-by-step basis pursuant to the principle of simultaneous actions.
But the position of the United States is that it will discuss its steps only after the DPRK takes all actions first.
This can be construed only as an ulterior intention to disarm and eliminate the DPRK.
We have never made any promises with regard to the next round of the six-party talks.
All developments concerning the nuclear issue well prove that pressure can never be a means for settlement of the nuclear issue and multi-party talks can be fruitful only when the United States commits itself to abandon the policy hostile to the DPRK.
Our demand is modest and simple. We just want both sides to drop guns simultaneously and co-exist peacefully.
He expressed hope that the UN member states would have a correct understanding of the DPRK's position and actively cooperate for a fair solution to the nuclear issue and for peace on the Korean peninsula and the region.
Noting that for the UN member states it is the most important task at present to establish a just and equitable international order and relations in line with the aspirations and desire of the entire humankind, he stressed that to this end it is necessary to strictly observe the principle of respect for sovereignty and equality in the international relations, enhance the functions and role of the United Nations and particularly, democratize the United Nations.
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October 25th, 2003
KCNA
Spokesman of DPRK FM on U.S.-Proposed Written Assurances of Non-Aggression
Pyongyang, October 25 (KCNA) -- A spokesman for the DPRK Foreign Ministry today gave the following answer to a question put by KCNA as regards the U.S. recent expression of its intention to provide the DPRK with written assurances of non-aggression: We have maintained the consistent stand to settle the nuclear issue on the principle of simultaneous actions after advancing a proposal for a package solution whose ultimate goal is to realize the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.
The fairest way of ultimately seeking a peaceful solution to the nuclear problem is to build confidence through simultaneous actions now that the DPRK and the U.S. are in the hostile relationship due to the more than half a century-long extreme mistrust and confrontation between the two sides.
The nuclear issue between the two countries will be settled simply if the DPRK's proposal for a package solution based on the principle of simultaneous actions is realized.
Simple and clear is our request.
What we want is for both sides to drop guns and establish normal state relationship to co-exist peacefully.
The unilateral demand that one of the two belligerent parties forces the other party to drop guns and come out first with its hands up can never be met.
President Bush was reported to have proposed to resume the six-way talks when the recent APEC summit was under way in Thailand, saying that he can provide the DPRK with written assurances of non-aggression.
We are ready to consider Bush's remarks on the "written assurances of non-aggression" if they are based on the intention to co-exist with the DPRK and aimed to play a positive role in realizing the proposal for a package solution on the principle of simultaneous actions.
This stance is prompted by the expectation that the DPRK and the U.S. can build confidence and lay a foundation of co-existence in the course of solving issues one after another on the principle of simultaneous actions.
We have already informed the U.S. side of it through the channel of New York contact and are now in the process of ascertaining the real intention of the U.S.
The U.S. side reiterated its stance to attach importance to the New York contact and pursue it.
It is premature to talk about the six-way talks under the present situation unless the will to accept the principle of simultaneous actions is confirmed.
KCNA
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October 30th, 2003
DPRK and China Discuss Nuclear Issue
Pyongyang, October 30 (KCNA) -- The DPRK and Chinese sides discussed the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. while the Chinese state delegation is staying in the DPRK. The following is the results of the discussion:
Both sides supported a negotiated peaceful solution to the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S.
To this end both sides agreed in principle to pursue the course of the six-way talks.
The DPRK side expressed its willingness to take part in the future talks if they provide a process of putting into practice the proposal for a package solution based on the principle of simultaneous actions.
The Chinese side underscored the need to simultaneously clear up the concerns of the DPRK-U.S. sides without fail.
KCNA
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June 15th, 2004.
Spokesman for DPRK FM Ministry on Third Round of Six-Party Talks.
Pyongyang, June 15 (KCNA) -- A spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea Tuesday gave the following answer to a question put by KCNA as regards the opening of the third round of the six-party talks: The third round of the six-party talks for the settlement of the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the United States will open in Beijing on June 23.
Prior to it, a meeting of the working group of the six-party talks will be held on June 21 and 22.
As we have declared on several occasions, it is important for the U.S. to abandon its policy for isolating and stifling the DPRK and take a bold political decision to co-exist with the latter if the six-party talks are to yield practical results and open a landmark phase for the settlement of the nuclear issue between them.
The U.S. attitude toward the DPRK-proposed "reward for freeze" will become a touchstone discerning the U.S. real intention for the settlement of the nuclear issue.
The prospect of the settlement of the issue entirely depends on the U.S.
Nothing will be expected from the forthcoming talks if the U.S. persistently insists that the DPRK accept CVID, a demand which can be forced on a defeated country only.
Internal work needed for us will go on well though the talks may prove unsuccessful due to the U.S.
KCNA
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June 18th, 2004
DPRK Will Positively Contribute to Building New World
Pyongyang, June 18 (KCNA) -- Choe Su Hon, vice-minister of Foreign Affairs who headed the DPRK delegation, made a speech at the special ministerial meeting in Sao Paulo, Brazil, on June 12 on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of G-77. He stated that the government and people of the DPRK would as ever make an active contribution to the building of a new world independent, peaceful and prosperous by developing many-sided economic cooperation and exchange with the developing countries.
G-77, he went on, has played a leading role in establishing a fair international economic order, true to its fundamental mission, in the past 40 years, but its just demand has not yet been met.
The marginalization of the developing countries is being accelerated in the international economic relations today with the result that the gap between the developed and developing countries is widening as time goes by.
G-77 should achieve the unity and solidarity of the developing countries and channel its primary efforts to their consolidation and do their best to establish new south-south economic relations among the developing countries by expanding and developing south-south cooperation based on collective self-reliance.
It should strengthen its measures to revitalize the activities of the developing countries, concluded Choe.
KCNA
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June 28th, 2004
DPRK Foreign Ministry Spokesman on Six-Party Talks
Pyongyang, June 28 (KCNA) -- A spokesman for the DPRK Foreign Ministry issued the following statement Monday after the close of another round of the six-party talks in Beijing on June 26 after it started from June 23 for the settlement of the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S.: Unlike the previous talks each party advanced various proposals and ways and had a discussion on them in a sincere atmosphere at the talks. Some common elements helpful to making progress in the talks were found there.
This time the U.S. side said that it would take note of the DPRK's proposal for "reward for freeze" and seriously examine it.
An agreement was reached on such issues as taking simultaneous actions on the principle of "words for words" and "action for action" and mainly discussing the issue of "reward for freeze". This was positive progress made at the talks.
The talks, however, could not make a decisive breakthrough towards breaking the present deadlock as there existed big differences between the DPRK and the U.S.
What merits a serious attention is that substantial negotiations could not start among the parties concerned for the settlement of the issue as the DPRK and the U.S. failed to wipe out the bilateral mistrust and misunderstanding.
At the talks the DPRK side advanced once again a bold and flexible proposal which requires a big political decision for making a breakthrough towards breaking the present deadlock between the DPRK and the U.S. over the nuclear issue and making the talks fruitful, prompted by its sincere wish to contribute to peace and security on the Korean peninsula, Northeast Asia and the rest of the world.
The DPRK delegation at the talks clarified details concerning its nuclear freeze on the premise that the U.S. withdraws its demand for CVID. It made it clear that the DPRK would freeze all the facilities related to nuclear weapons and products churned out by their operation, refrain from producing more nukes, transferring and testing them and the freeze would be the first start that would lead to the ultimate dismantlement of the nuclear weapons program.
It also clarified its stand that the nuclear freeze should be accompanied by reward and the period of the freeze would be decided according to whether reward is made or not under any circumstances.
The reward which the DPRK delegation called for should include such issues as the U.S. commitment to the lifting of sanctions and blockade against the DPRK, the energy assistance of 2,000,000kw through the supply of heavy oil and electricity, etc.
The DPRK's proposal for "reward for freeze," the first-phase action for a package solution based on the principle of simultaneous actions, is the only way of seeking a step-by-step solution to the nuclear issue as it took into consideration the present conditions in which there is no confidence between the DPRK and the U.S.
That was why all the parties to the talks except the U.S. positively supported and sympathized with the DPRK's flexible proposal and clarified their stance to participate in making reward for freeze.
The DPRK delegation had exhaustive negotiations with the U.S. side for nearly two and half hours on the sidelines of the talks.
The U.S. side recognized the reward for the freeze and advanced what it called "landmark proposal."
It is noteworthy that the U.S. put forward such proposal nine months after the talks began.
And it was fortunate that the U.S. did not use the expression of CVID but accepted the principle of "words for words" and "action for action" as proposed by the DPRK.
A scrutiny into the U.S. "proposal" suggests that, to our regret, it only mentioned phased demands for disarming the DPRK.
Its real intention was to discuss what it would do only when the DPRK has completed the unilateral dismantlement of its nuclear program.
A particular mention should be made of the fact that in its proposal the U.S. raised the issue of "period of three months' preparations" for dismantling the nuclear program but it could not be supported by anyone as it totally lacked scientific and realistic nature.
As far as the period is concerned, it depends on how the U.S meets the demands for reward.
It is by no means fortuitous that the participants in the talks termed the U.S. "landmark proposal" a complicated and unclear one and an unfair one as it lacked any U.S. commitment to implement the principle of "words for words" and "action for action".
The U.S. "proposal" could not convince the participants in the talks nor could it be considered as a way of settling the issue as it was away from the principle of simultaneous action and based on its demand that the DPRK dismantle its nuclear program first.
If the U.S. seriously studies the DPRK proposal "reward for freeze", drops its unreasonable assertion about an enriched uranium program and the like, commits itself to renounce its hostile policy toward the DPRK according to the principle of "words for words" and "action for action" and directly takes measures for the reward for freeze in the future as its delegation had promised at the talks, this will help solve the nuclear issue and meet its interests.
The DPRK will closely follow the U.S. future attitude, pushing forward as planned the work to increase its capability for self-defence to cope with the threat of aggression from outside forces.
KCNA
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Joint editorial "North Korea 2005".
On January 1st, 2005 the press of Democratic People´s Republic of Korea published a joint editorial "North Korea 2005". In that text the role of People´s Army was emphasized, as well as the importance of self-determination, reunification and developement of national economy.
KOMINFORM
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January 13th, 2005
Korean People's Drive to Fulfill Tasks Laid Down in Joint Editorial Supported
Pyongyang, January 13 (KCNA) -- We believe that political tasks of the Workers' Party of Korea set forth in the joint New Year editorial would successfully be carried out under the leadership of Kim Jong Il and fully support the Korean people in their efforts to implement them. Otete Gaston Mboyo, chairman of the National Committee of the Genuine Lumumbist Patriotic Party of Democratic Congo who is chairman of the Democratic Congo-Korea Friendship and Solidarity Association, said this in a statement on Jan. 5 in support of the joint New Year editorial published by the newspapers of the WPK, the army and the youth league of the DPRK.
This year, too, the Korean people will bring about a radical turn in the struggle to defend and glorify socialism, pursuant to the Songun revolutionary line, under the correct guidance of the WPK, he noted, and continued:
The last instructions of President Kim Il Sung for national reunification are being successfully implemented thanks to Kim Jong Il. He provided the north-south summit which resulted in the adoption and publication of the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration, the first of their kind in the history of national division. These are his great exploits to remain shining forever in the history of the movement for Korean reunification.
There will be a bright prospect of accomplishing the cause of Korean reunification only when the Korean people hold aloft the flag of cooperation for national independence, cooperation for peace against war and cooperation for reunification and patriotism put up in the joint editorial.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
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February 20th, 2005.
North's Possession of Nukes, Product of U.S. Hostile Policy toward It.
Pyongyang, February 20 (KCNA) -- The south Korean Solidarity for Implementing South-North Joint Declaration was reported to have issued a statement titled "The U.S. is chiefly to blame for the north's announcement of its possession of nuclear weapons and suspension of the six-party talks" on Feb. 11. The announcement rendered the U.S. hostile policy toward the north completely futile, the statement said, and went on:
The U.S. has unilaterally scrapped the DPRK-U.S. Agreed Framework by terming the north part of an "axis of evil" and made frantic preparations to launch a war against the north, escalating the tensions of the Korean Peninsula.
The U.S. persistent hostile policy toward the north while vituperating it as an "outpost of tyranny" compelled the north to access nuclear weapons.
The U.S. should roll back its hostile policy toward the north and approach the talks with sincere attitude, though belatedly.
The north's possession of nuclear weapons is a direct product of the U.S. hostile policy toward it.
The U.S. should positively come out to bilateral talks if it does not want the Korean Peninsula issue to be solved in an extreme way.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
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March 23rd, 2005.
The six-party talks. Memorandum of DPRK Foreign Ministry.
Pyongyang, March 3 (KCNA) -- The Foreign Ministry of the DPRK released a memorandum on March 2 to clearly explain why it has decided that it would go out to the talks only when there are justification to participate in the six-party talks and mature conditions for them. Follows the full text of the memorandum:
The international community is now voicing strong support and solidarity for the just self-defensive step taken by the DPRK as regards the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. and the principled stand taken by the DPRK as regards the six-party talks. But the United States is paying no heed to this just demand of the DPRK, insisting that it come out to the six-party talks without preconditions.
Some forces toeing the U.S. line continue making a series of undesirable assertions that the DPRK too strongly reacted to the U.S. though it took a moderate attitude, the DPRK reneged on its international commitment and pressure should be put upon the DPRK for the resumption of the six-party talks.
The U.S. is wholly to blame for the fact that the talks have not yet been resumed and the solution to the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. has been delayed.
The DPRK Foreign Ministry issues the memorandum to clearly explain the reason why it has decided it would go out to the talks only when there are the justification to participate in them and mature conditions for them.
1. The DPRK is left with no justification to sit at the negotiating table with the U.S. for the six-party talks or bilateral talks.
The basic key to the solution of the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. is for the U.S. to make a switchover from its hostile policy toward the DPRK to a policy of peaceful co-existence with the DPRK as the issue is a product of the extremely hostile policy of the Bush administration.
The second-term Bush administration, just as it did in its first- term, adopted it as its policy not to co-exist with the DPRK but bring down the political system chosen by the Korean people themselves, thus eliminating any justification for the DPRK to participate in the six-party talks.
The Bush administration asserts that it is not hostile toward the DPRK and it has no intention to invade the latter but, in actuality, set it as its "ultimate aim" to "bring down the system" in the DPRK and has persistently pursued its double-dealing tactics of carrot and the stick.
All this has been clearly expressed in the course of adopting the policy of the second-term Bush administration.
Speaking at the inaugural ceremony of the second-term president on Jan. 20, Bush declared that it is the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in the world.
He blustered that the U.S. would spread liberty and democracy of American style to the whole world and, to this end, would not rule out the use of force, when necessary.
In his state of the union address on Feb. 2 he, not mentioning the six-party talks and the peaceful settlement of the nuclear issue, once again vociferated about an "end to the tyranny," asserting that the U.S. will force north Korea to abandon its nuclear ambition. U.S. State Secretary Rice made it clear in which countries tyranny should be terminated as claimed by Bush at the U.S. Senate confirmation hearing on Jan. 18, 2005, two days before his inaugural address.
Branding the DPRK together with Cuba, Iran, Belarus and some other countries strongly advocating independence against the U.S. as "outposts of tyranny," Rice asserted that the U.S. would stand by the people subject to tyranny and spread American style liberty and democracy and urge north Korea to abandon its nuclear ambition.
In this regard some forces made clumsy excuses, saying that Bush did not directly mention the DPRK as a country of "tyranny" and Rice made the remarks in her private capacity only and that it is desirable to interpret her address in its whole context.
If so, is Rice's declaration of the U.S. policy her private address and did not Bush define the DPRK as an outpost of "tyranny"?
Speaking at the ceremony marking the 20th anniversary of the foundation of the National Foundation for Democracy in the U.S. on Nov. 6, 2003, during his first-term office, Bush clearly defined the DPRK as an "outpost of tyranny," asserting that the U.S. commitment to democracy is tested in countries like Cuba, Myanmar, north Korea and Zimbabwe, outposts of oppression.
Deep-rooted is the real intention of the U.S. not to co-exist with the DPRK under any circumstances but seek to bring down its system by disarming it.
This remains unchanged.
U.S. official figures have not expressed any intention to co-exist with the DPRK or make a switchover in its hostile policy toward the DPRK in any recent remarks made by them.
The world people are now interpreting the Bush group's talk about "spread of liberty" as a "paradox disturbing the world" and a "poisonous logic pushing the world to a new war," and even the U.S. allies are cursing and ridiculing American style "liberty and democracy", saying where is tyranny touted by the U.S., it is designating a series of anti-American countries which are out of favor with it as "outposts of tyranny" and it is styling itself the master of this planet.
As a matter of fact, the DPRK has shown its utmost patience and magnanimity for the last four years since the Bush administration took office.
However, the U.S. has stuck to its hostile policy, unreasonably ignoring the DPRK, its dialogue partner, prompted by the inveterate idea of rejection that it will not co-exist with the DPRK from the ideological point of view.
It is widely known a fact that no sooner had Bush taken office as president than he suspended all dialogues and negotiations with the DPRK which had been under way during the former administration. In his state of the union address late in January 2002, Bush designated the DPRK as part of an "axis of evil" and, in March of the same year, listed it as a target of the U.S. preemptive nuclear attack.
He, instead of retracting his remarks listing the DPRK as part of "an axis of evil," termed the government in the DPRK installed by its own people as an "outpost of tyranny", singling it out as the object to be removed to the last, outcries worse than those remarks.
How can we sit at the negotiating table with the U.S. given that it has rejected the government of the DPRK?
The wrong doings committed by the U.S. have deprived it of any justification to sit with the DPRK.
The DPRK and the U.S. are in the relationship of belligerency and at war technically.
Therefore, it is quite natural that the DPRK has manufactured nukes for self-defence and continues to do so to cope with the policy of the Bush administration aimed at mounting a preemptive nuclear attack on it.
In order to cope with the U.S. policy to stifle it with nukes, the DPRK pulled out of the NPT on Jan. 10, 2003 and legitimately made nukes, not bound to the international treaty.
Whenever it took a step for self-defence to cope with the U.S. stepped-up policy to isolate and stifle it, the DPRK opened the step to the world and has built nuclear deterrent in a transparent manner, informing the U.S. of it each time.
We are also not bound to any international treaty or law as far as the missile issue is concerned. Some forces claim that the DPRK's moratorium on the missile launch still remains valid.
In September 1999, the period of the previous U.S. administration, we announced the moratorium on the missile launch while dialogue was under way but the DPRK-U.S. dialogue was totally suspended when the Bush administration took office in 2001.
Accordingly, we are not bound to the moratorium on the missile launch at present.
As everybody knows, the U.S. hostile policy toward the DPRK compels it to bolster its self-defensive nuclear arsenal.
Not only the public in the U.S. but the world public are becoming increasingly critical of the Bush administration, asserting that its remarks about "tyranny" and hostile policy toward the DPRK resulted in rendering the six-party talks abortive.
Senator Kerry, who ran for presidency on the Democratic ticket during the 2004 U.S. presidential election, when interviewed by the New York Times on Sept. 12 openly criticized the Bush administration, saying that it refused to directly negotiate with north Korea after its emergence, bringing a nuclear nightmare. Foreign Policy Focus, the organ of the U.S. institute for international policy studies, in an article dated Feb. 22, 2005, said that Bush has taken a very rough approach towards north Korea in military and diplomatic aspects since the outset of his office and this let it have access to nukes.
In an editorial dated Feb. 11, 2005 the New York Times said that north Korea declared its access to nuclear weapons because the Bush administration made an error while leading it to isolation. It justly criticized the Bush administration, saying that its reaction to north Korea till now has been unreasonable and, accordingly, there should be a radical switchover in its future engagement.
The U.S. claims that it has not pursued a hostile policy towards north Korea, repeatedly making empty words that it has never been hostile to north Korea and has no intention to attack it.
Is there any act more hostile than branding the system chosen by the Korean people as "tyranny" and threatening to bring down it to the last.
By nature, the remarks that there is no intention for invasion themselves are shameless ones which can be made only by the U.S. that has not hesitated to overthrow the regimes of other countries and invade them, and such reckless remarks can never mean a drop of its hostile policy toward the DPRK.
The Washington Post in an editorial dated Feb. 22, 2005, said that a breakthrough might be made in the settlement of the nuclear issue if just three words of no hostile intention are said to the Pyongyang government but Bush and Rice have never used such expression. This emphasized that it is essential for the U.S. to make a switchover in its hostile policy toward the DPRK.
The nuclear issue can never be settled unless the U.S. shows political willingness to make a policy switchover and co-exist with the DPRK.
We have shown utmost patience and magnanimity to settle the nuclear issue and improve the DPRK-U.S. relations for the last four years since the Bush administration took office.
The U.S. should apologize for the above-said remarks calling for "ending tyranny" and withdraw them, clarify its political willingness to renounce the hostile policy aimed at a "regime change" in the DPRK and co-exist with the DPRK in peace and show it in practice.
We can negotiate with the U.S. only when it provides such conditions and justification for the resumption of the talks.
The DPRK will not act such a fool as going out to the talks at the request of the one who totally rejected it and works hard to "destroy" it.
2. It is imperative for the U.S. to rebuild the groundwork of the six-party talks and create conditions and atmosphere for their resumption as quickly as possible.
It was thanks to the sincere and patient efforts of the DPRK to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula that the principle of "words for words" and "action for action" and the principle of "reward for freeze", the first-phase step for the settlement of the nuclear issue, were agreed upon at the third round of the six-party talks held in June 2004.
The talks reached the common understanding that the U.S. should make a switchover in its hostile policy toward the DPRK.
Such agreement and common understanding are the basis for advancing the talks.
The U.S. delegation agreed upon such principles at the third round of the talks, under the pressure of the public opinion at home and abroad, and had no option but to make a verbal promise that it would not be hostile to the DPRK.
At the talks on June 24, 2004, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Kelly said that the U.S. side would assess and seriously examine the DPRK side's proposal on reward for freeze. State Secretary Powell, at the contact with the DPRK foreign minister during the ministerial meeting of the ASEAN regional forum held in Jakarta on July 2, 2004, said that the U.S. is ready to abide by the principle of "words for words", "action for action" and "results for results" and will seriously examine the DPRK's proposal on "reward for freeze."
But the U.S. reneged on all the agreements and common understanding less than one month after the talks, totally destroying the groundwork of the talks.
The second term Bush administration is now talking about the "resumption of the six-way talks without preconditions" in disregard of the DPRK's demand for totally rebuilding the groundwork of the talks, which had been destroyed by it during its first term.
Kelly, the then assistant secretary of State who headed the delegation of the U.S. side to the talks, said at a U.S. Senate hearing on July 15, 2004, that the "landmark proposal" made by the U.S. at the third round of the six-party talks is a proposal which envisages a reward for the DPRK only after it totally scraps all its nuclear programs first. Even if the nuclear program is abandoned, it will not lead soon to the normalization of the bilateral relations and, accordingly, all other issues such as missile, conventional weapon and human rights issues should be settled, he added.
After all, he insisted on the U.S. assertion that the DPRK dismantle its nuclear program first, thus rejecting the principles of "words for words" and "action for action". He also totally denied the principle of "reward for freeze" when he said that the U.S. has no intention to negotiate with north Koreans, there can be no reward for north Korea and the U.S. will not bring any benefit to it.
On July 21, a week after that statement of Kelly, Bolton, U.S. under-secretary of State, said in Seoul that the U.S. does not trust the proposed nuclear freeze and there will be no reward for Pyongyang unless Washington's demand for the total dismantlement of its nuclear program is met. On July 23 he told reporters in Tokyo that north Korea should abandon its nuclear program as Libya did.
The U.S. secretary of State, too, said at press conferences that the U.S. wants Pyongyang to follow in the footsteps of Libya, demanding it dismantle its nuclear program first. Armitage, deputy secretary of State, asserted that if the U.S. took any positive gesture toward north Korea, though symbolic, it would mean making a reward for the bad behavior or sending a wrong message to north Korea.
In fact, such contradictory behaviors of the U.S. inside and outside the venue of the talks took the world people by surprise.
Even since the start of its second term, the Bush administration has not made any trustworthy sincere effort to create conditions for the talks, persistently insisting on the assertion that the DPRK dismantle its nuclear program first on the basis of CVID.
On Feb. 22, 2005, a spokesman for the U.S. Department of State said that the five parties consider the conditions to be mature for the talks but it is only north Korea that denies it.
U.S. Secretary of State Rice told reporters on Feb. 3 that all parties to the six-way talks will have to persuade north Koreans to choose a strategic option for abandoning its nuclear program by accepting CVID. On the same day, a spokesman for the U.S. Department of State said that the proposal made by the U.S. at the third round of the talks is valid and it is high time north Korea returned to the negotiating table to discuss it.
As for the "proposal", it is, in essence, the demand that the DPRK dismantle its nuclear program first, the assertion veiled by what it called "landmark". It makes no mention of the principles of "words for words" and "action for action", which had been accepted by the U.S., too, and especially of the U.S. promise to renounce its hostile policy. That was why on July 24, 2004, the DPRK, through a spokesman for its Foreign Ministry, dismissed the "proposal" as one not deserving even a passing note.
Later, this stand of the DPRK was officially notified to the U.S. side at the DPRK-U.S. contact in New York on August 11, 2004.
The delegation of the Bush administration declared at the third round of the six-way talks that it does not take a hostile attitude towards the DPRK.
But, it has since resorted without hesitation to more frantic hostile acts aimed at toppling the system of the DPRK.
On July 21, 2004, less than one month after the third round of the talks, U.S. Congress passed what it called "North Korean Human Rights Act" to legally provide a financial and material guarantee for the activities to bring down the system in the DPRK.
Under this act, U.S. Congress is to allot 24 million U.S. dollars every year to individuals and organizations supporting the activities for "freedom" and "improvement of human rights performance". Out of this fund two million dollars will be spent every year to massively smuggle transistors into the DPRK and extend the broadcasting time of Radio Free Asia to 12 hours.
On Oct. 21, 2004, a spokesman for the White House announced that the "act" endorsed by President Bush would focus on defectors from the north Korean regime.
Commenting on the nature of this "act", radio Voice of America, too, said that the U.S. decision to allocate 24 million U.S. dollars every year as part of its official government budget, the first of its kind, is meaningful in that it has laid down the groundwork for putting pressure on the north Korean regime in two aspects of nuclear and human rights. The "act" is a strategy aimed to overthrow the system of north Korea under the pretext of "protection of defectors" from it, it added.
George Hage, member of the National Assembly of France who is member of its Foreign Relations Commission, said in an open questionnaire to the French foreign minister on Feb. 15, 2005: The study of the Korean issue shows that the sovereignty of the DPRK has been consistently violated. U.S. Congress passed a bill calling for spending 24 million dollars in a bid to destabilize the Pyongyang government.
At the working meeting of PSI member nations held in Norway early in August 2004 when preparations were made for the fourth round of the six-way talks, the U.S. decided to stage naval blockade exercises in the waters off Japan between October 26 and 27.
And it did not hide the fact that the exercises were targeted against the DPRK.
The U.S. secretary of State flew into Tokyo on Oct. 23, three days before the start of the exercises and stated that PSI exercises are an expression of concern of the international community over north Korea and a drill to check its bad behavior.
On the day the exercises were kicked off, Under-Secretary of State Bolton told aboard a combat ship that clear is the threat from north Korea, the exercises are so efficient as to make businesses give up trade with north Korea and other countries involved in the proliferation of weapons and they are of weighty significance as they are the first drill in the north Pacific. He did not conceal the fact that the PSI exercises are targeted against the DPRK.
The U.S. military threat was not confined to this.
On June 29, 2004, right after the third round of the six-way talks, the U.S. Department of Defence announced a plan to deploy three squadrons of F-117 Stealth fighter-bombers of the U.S. Air Force in south Korea within three months and started their deployment. And it announced that it would permanently keep two Aegis destroyers equipped with the latest missile system in the East Sea of Korea, and deployed them to be ready for action.
Having already listed the DPRK as one of "its targets of nuclear preemptive attacks", the Bush administration announced that it worked out "New Operation Plan 5026" and "OPLAN 5027-04" from the beginning of 2004 and since stepped up the shipment of huge armed forces into south Korea, The U.S. announced a "combat power buildup program," which calls for investing 11 billion U.S. dollars in south Korea, in May 2003 and increased the investment up to 13 billion dollars under the signboard of "relocation of combat forces" in the middle of 2004 to massively ship the latest war equipment into it.
What is more serious is that the U.S. declared it would supply new type missiles capable of penetrating underground facilities in the DPRK to the U.S. forces in south Korea on a priority basis.
The July 12th, 2004, issue of the U.S. weekly Defense News, commenting on this, disclosed that the U.S. decided to deploy six Bunker Burst missiles by the end of 2005. The Bush administration has persistently conducted a psychological warfare and smear operation against the DPRK, letting loose a spate of vituperation against the dialogue partner and pulling it up over this or that issue.
It even made public a report every year in which it raised the oft-repeated hue and cry over such fictions as "drug smuggling", "flesh trafficking" and "religious suppression" as part of its smear campaign against the DPRK. As if it were not enough with this, the U.S. has faked up the story about the "transfer of nuclear substance", chilling the atmosphere of dialogue.
The U.S. spread more than once misinformation that the DPRK secretly sold uranium hexafluoride and fluorine gas to Iran, it is going to hand over special motors for nuclear plants to it and that Pyongyang transferred nuclear substance to Libya via Pakistan.
This is nothing but an attempt to charge the DPRK with the "proliferation of nuclear substance" in a bid to tarnish its image and create an atmosphere for bringing international pressure to bear upon it.
The DPRK has never made any deal in the nuclear field with neither Iran nor Libya nor any other country.
Even leading media in the U.S. put it that American investigators admitted that there is no way to ascertain the origin of nuclear substance found in the nuclear substance container in Libya considered to be of north Korean origin as there is no nuclear substance sample of north Korea and American experts were skeptical, admitting that it is hard to draw a definite conclusion as the analysis of samples of uranium hexafluoride is different from that of DNA test. This disclosed the sinister aim sought by the U.S.
As seen above, the U.S. has increased political and diplomatic pressure and military threat to the DPRK while going so shameless as to demand the DPRK come out to the six-party talks as quickly as possible as there are mature conditions for them.
This reminds one of the "gunboat diplomacy" pursued by big countries to occupy smaller countries in the past 18th-19th centuries.
It is foolish of the U.S. to calculate that the DPRK will come out to the talks and yield to it under its military pressure.
All these moves of the U.S. are a clear manifestation of its hostile policy toward the DPRK.
The DPRK's demand that the U.S. roll back its hostile policy and rebuild the groundwork of the six-party talks is not a precondition.
The Bush administration has not taken any practical measure to rebuild the groundwork of the third round of the six-party talks. Conditions can not be automatically created for the talks with the passage of time.
The U.S. totally negated the ideology and system chosen by the Korean people themselves and the freedom and democracy of their own style and, at the same time, has become more undisguised in its hostile moves to bring down the system in the DPRK. Then will it be reasonable to say that conditions have been created for the talks? All the facts go to prove that the U.S. has not been interested in settling the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. through the six-party talks from the outset but has only pursued the aim of going ahead with fruitless talks as it thinks fit in a bid to gain time and create an atmosphere for imposing phased pressure upon the DPRK and implementing its policy to isolate and blockade it.
Gallucci, special envoy for negotiations with the DPRK in the former U.S. administration, in his interview with Kyodo on June 18, 2004, criticized the Bush administration for seeking a "regime change" in north Korea and refusing to have full-fledged negotiations with it.
Foreign Policy Focus, the organ of the U.S. institute for international policy studies, in its article on February 22, 2005, said that Bush has held the six-party talks with a final aim to seek change of Pyongyang's regime while openly talking about the world without the Pyongyang regime. This is a strategy pursued by Bush.
The sinister purpose sought by the U.S. is clearly revealed by the fact that it turned blind eyes to the secret nuclear activities south Korea conducted in a premeditated manner at its tacit connivance and under its manipulation while persistently raising a hue and cry over the non-existent "uranium enrichment program" of the DPRK.
As far as the "uranium enrichment program" is concerned, the DPRK has no such program.
The U.S. talked about peaceful negotiated solution to the nuclear issue and the resumption of the talks before making any sincere efforts to rebuild their groundwork. This is nothing but a gimmick to evade its responsibility.
If the U.S. truly stands for the negotiated settlement of the nuclear issue between the two countries it should rebuild the groundwork of the talks it had destroyed unilaterally, renounce its hostile policy aimed at a "regime change" in the DPRK through practical actions and opt for co-existing with the DPRK.
Our demand is that the U.S. make a switchover in its policy.
But, without showing any willingness to make it, the Bush administration is demanding the DPRK come out to the talks. This is nothing but a trick to put the DPRK in the dock, force it to dismantle its nuclear weapons and seize it by force of arms in the end.
Bush blustered that the U.S. would force the DPRK to disarm itself during his election campaign in Wisconsin on August 18, 2004, and on other occasions.
It is not hard to guess what the U.S. has in mind. Washington is sadly mistaken to think that the DPRK would meekly dismantle its nuclear weapons it has made with much effort.
The DPRK clarified in an answer given by a spokesman for the Foreign Ministry on August 23, 2004, and on other occasions that the U.S. should not dream of forcing it to lay down its arms.
The U.S. had better bear this deep in mind.
Japan is now behaving without discretion, talking about "unconditional return to the talks" and "sanctions", pursuant to the U.S. policy.
By nature, Japan has no qualification to participate in the six-party talks as it is a faithful servant for the U.S.
Is there any need to invite even its servant to the talks as his American master's participation in the talks is enough?
However, Japan has gone so impertinent as to contemplate applying sanctions against the DPRK. The DPRK has closely followed such move of Japan.
The DPRK's principled stand to achieve the goal of denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula and seek a peaceful negotiated settlement of the nuclear issue still remains unchanged.
The DPRK will go to the talks anytime if the U.S. takes a trustworthy sincere attitude and moves to provide conditions and justification for the resumption of the six-party talks.
The Bush administration may not show any sincerity and while away time, repeatedly talking about the resumption of the six-party talks despite the just demand of the DPRK. That would do the DPRK nothing bad.
The Bush administration has so far undisguisedly pursued hostile policy toward the DPRK in a bid to topple its system. This overturned the groundwork of the six-party talks and removed all conditions and justification for holding dialogue, blocking the settlement of the nuclear issue. These acts are bound to be recorded in history and the U.S. will have to pay dear prices for them.
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Joint Statement Released at Six-Party Talks
Pyongyang, September 19 (KCNA) -- A joint statement was issued at the six-party talks held in Beijing. Its full text is as follows: Joint Statement of the Fourth Round of the Six-Party Talks Beijing, 19 September 2005 The Fourth Round of the Six-Party Talks was held in Beijing, China among the People's Republic of China, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Japan, the Republic of Korea, the Russian Federation, and the United States of America from July 26th to August 7th, and from September 13th to 19th, 2005.
Mr. Wu Dawei, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs of the PRC, Mr. Kim Kye Gwan, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs of the DPRK; Mr. Kenichiro Sasae, Director-General for Asian and Oceanian Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan; Mr. Song Min-soon, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade of the ROK; Mr. Alexandr Alekseyev, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation; and Mr. Christopher Hill, Assistant Secretary of the State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs of the United States attended the talks as heads of their respective delegations.
Vice Foreign Minister Wu Dawei chaired the talks.
For the cause of peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula and in Northeast Asia at large, the Six Parties held, in the spirit of mutual respect and equality, serious and practical talks concerning the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula on the basis of the common understanding of the previous three rounds of the talks, and agreed, in this context, to the following:
1. The Six Parties unanimously reaffirmed that the goal of the Six-Party talks is the verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula in a peaceful manner.
The DPRK committed to abandoning all nuclear weapons and existing nuclear programs and returning, at an early date, to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to IAEA safeguards.
The United States affirmed that it has no nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula and has no intention to attack or invade the DPRK with nuclear or conventional weapons.
The ROK reaffirmed its commitment not to receive or deploy nuclear weapons in accordance with the 1992 Joint Declaration of the Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, while affirming that there exist no nuclear weapons within its territory.
The 1992 Joint Declaration of the Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula should be observed and implemented.
The DPRK stated that it has the right to peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
The other parties expressed their respect and agreed to discuss, at an appropriate time, the subject of the provision of light water reactor to the DPRK.
2. The Six Parties undertook, in their relations, to abide by the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and recognized norms of international relations.
The DPRK and the United States undertook to respect each other's sovereignty, exist peacefully together, and take steps to normalize their relations subject to their respective bilateral policies.
The DPRK and Japan undertook to take steps to normalize their relations in accordance with the Pyongyang Declaration, on the basis of the settlement of unfortunate past and the outstanding issues of concern.
3. The Six Parties undertook to promote economic cooperation in the fields of energy, trade and investment, bilaterally and/or multilaterally.
China, Japan, ROK, Russia and the US stated their willingness to provide energy assistance to the DPRK.
The ROK reaffirmed its proposal of July 12th 2005 concerning the provision of 2 million kilowatts of electric power to the DPRK.
4. The Six Parties committed to joint efforts for lasting peace and stability in Northeast Asia.
The directly related parties will negotiate a permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula at an appropriate separate forum.
The Six Parties agreed to explore ways and means for promoting security cooperation in Northeast Asia.
5. The Six Parties agreed to take coordinated steps to implement the afore-mentioned consensus in a phased manner in line with the principle of "commitment for commitment, action for action".
6. The Six Parties agreed to hold the Fifth Round of the Six-Party Talks in Beijing in early November 2005 at a date to be determined through consultations.
Spokesman for DPRK Foreign Ministry on Six-Party Talks
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September 2005.
Statement of a Spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
Pyongyang, September 20 (KCNA) -- A spokesman for the DPRK Foreign Ministry issued a statement in connection with the close of the fourth six-party talks. Its full text reads as follows:
Statement of a Spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea
The second phase of the fourth six-party talks on the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. that opened in Beijing on Sept. 13, drawing the attention of the international community, closed on Sept. 19.
The talks that started on the DPRK's positive initiative in August 2003 were held several times for the last more than two years, repeatedly going through twists and turns.
The talks, however, repeatedly proved fruitless and unproductive due to the conflicting stands among the parties concerned, contrary to the unanimous expectation of the international community toward the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. We have approached the talks with magnanimity, patience and sincerity, proceeding from the principled, fair and aboveboard stand to achieve the general goal of the denuclearization of the peninsula at any cost. As a result, we have at last succeeded in meeting all these challenges, making it possible to agree on the joint statement, "verbal commitments".
The joint statement reflects our consistent stand on the settlement of the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. and, at the same time, the commitments of the U.S. and south Korea responsible for denuclearizing the whole of the peninsula. As already known, the issue over which the DPRK and the U.S. have had most serious differences in the "verbal commitments" to denuclearize the peninsula so far was the issue of the former's right to nuclear activity for a peaceful purpose, to be specific, the issue of the U.S. provision of light water reactors (LWR) to the former. It was due to these differences that the first phase of the fourth talks held in August last was compelled to go into recess without yielding any desired fruits. The present U.S. administration, denying in principle the DPRK the right to nuclear activity for a peaceful purpose which pertains to an independent right of a sovereign state, insisted that it could not provide LWRs in any case under the pretext that the DPRK pulled out of the NPT and is no longer member of the IAEA. Opposing this wrong stand of the U.S., we made it clear that the basis of finding a solution to the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. is to wipe out the distrust historically created between the two countries and a physical groundwork for building bilateral confidence is none other than the U.S. provision of LWRs to the DPRK. We strongly demanded that the U.S. remove the very cause that compelled the DPRK to withdraw from the NPT by providing LWRs to it.
At the talks, all the parties concerned except the U.S. supported the discussion of the issue of respecting the DPRK's right to nuclear activity for a peaceful purpose and providing LWRs to it.
This time the U.S. delegation got in touch with Washington several times under the pressure of the trend of the situation and had no option but to withdraw its assertion. The six-parties agreed to take harmonious measures to implement phase by phase the points agreed on in the joint statement in accordance with the principle of "action for action" in the days ahead.
As clarified in the joint statement, we will return to the NPT and sign the Safeguards Agreement with the IAEA and comply with it immediately upon the U.S. provision of LWRs, a basis of confidence-building, to us.
As already clarified more than once, we will feel no need to keep even a single nuclear weapon if the DPRK-U.S. relations are normalized, bilateral confidence is built and we are not exposed to the U.S. nuclear threat any longer.
What is most essential is, therefore, for the U.S. to provide LWRs to the DPRK as early as possible as evidence proving the former's substantial recognition of the latter's nuclear activity for a peaceful purpose.
The U.S. should not even dream of the issue of the DPRK's dismantlement of its nuclear deterrent before providing LWRs, a physical guarantee for confidence-building. This is our just and consistent stand as solid as a deeply rooted rock. We have so far shaped our policies towards the U.S. hardliners and will do so in the future, too.
One should wait and see how the U.S. will move in actuality at the phase of "action for action" in the future but should it again insist on "the DPRK's dismantlement of nuclear weapons before the provision of LWRs", there will be no change in the nuclear issue between the DPRK and the U.S. and its consequences will be very serious and complicated.
If the U.S. opts for reneging on its promise, we will go ahead without an inch of deflection along the road indicated by the Songun line, our faith and signpost. September 20, Juche 94 (2005)
Korean Central News Agecny
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September 2005.
Sixty years of victory and glory for the WPK
October 10 this year marks the 60th anniversary of the founding of the workers' party of Korea, the ruling party of socialist Korea.
The foundation of the WPK was a historic event that effected a radical change in shaping the destiny of the Korean People.
The 60-year-long history of the WPK is the history of opening up the unique way of building a revolutionary Party under the banner of the Juche idea and the great history of socialist construction through the most arduous struggle against imperialism.
The 60-year-long history of the WPK is the history of the revolutionary activities of President Kim Il Sung and the DPRK leader Kim Jon Il.
President Kim Il Sung who set out on the road of revolution in his early teens started building a Juche-type revolutionary Party by forming the vanguard, the Down-with-Imperialism Union, and laid the firm organizational and ideological foundations for the founding of a party during more than twenty years of the anti-Japanese revolutionary struggle. The WPK was founded immediately after the liberation of Korea in August 1945, and has since become able to discharge its mission and role as a guide of the Korean people creditably. After founding the Party the President worked hard to strengthen the Party and enhance its role to advance the cause of Juche for nearly half a century till the last moments of his life.
Kim Jong Il has led the WPK over 40 years. Having started his work on the Central Committee of the WPK in the mid-1960s, he has achieved the ideological oneness and rock-solid unity and cohesion of the whole Party based on the revolutionary idea of the President, and thus immeasurably enhanced the leading role of the Party.
The 60-year-long history of the WPK is an ever-victorious history of making great achievements along the most righteous and original road.
For the last six decades which witnessed unprecedentedly arduous and complex situations the WPK has been able to advance straight along the road of victory without making a mistake in its lines or experiencing any vicissitude, because it has solved all its problems independently and creatively with the Juche idea as its unshakable guiding idea. When many parties experienced difficulties because of the spread of modern revisionism in the 1960s and when the socialist government parties fell successively in the former Soviet Union and East European countries, the WPK advanced steadfastly along the road of independence.
At every period and every stage of revolutionary development the WPK advanced the correct lines and policies and organized and mobilized broad sections of the masses, thus successfully carrying out complex and difficult socio-economic tasks. It carried out two stages of social revolution (the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution and the socialist revolution) in its own way, exploded "the myth of the US strength" during the Korean War of three years (1950-1953), and demonstrated the stamina of heroic Korea to the whole world. In the war the DPRK was so tragically destroyed that even the US said that Korea could not rise again even in a hundred years. But Korea finished its postwar reconstruction in three years, and carried out in 14 years industrialization which had taken other countries hundreds of years.
As the result of successful socialist construction the socialist system of a Korean style centered on the people has been established in Korea once ridden by backwardness and poverty alone, and a strong socialist country independent in politics, self-sustaining in the economy and self-reliant in national defence has been built. In the 1990s Korea found itself in the most serious adversity because of the frantic politico-military pressure and economic sanctions by the US-led imperialist allies as well as natural calamities. Under the leadership of the WPK, however, it surmounted the difficulties, held high the slogan of building a great, powerful and prosperous nation and could demonstrate its national power by launching an artificial earth satellite into orbit and declaring its nuclear possession.
The 60-year-long history of the WPK is also the history of having shaped the destiny of the people admirably with the idea of regarding them as God and by politics of love for and confidence in them.
The idea of regarding the people as God is incorporated in all the lines and policies advanced by the WPK, and is also manifested in the slogan "We serve the people!" and the emblem of the WPK inscribed with hammer, a sickle and a writing brush.
Today the Korean people put unqualified trust in the WPK not only as their political guide but also as the mother Party, entrust their destiny entirely to it, and support its leadership. The Party and the people have become a harmonious whole in Korea.
Glory to the WPK which leads the cause of the independence of the people and the cause of socialism to shining victory!
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January 1st, 2006
Press release.
Democratic People´s Republic of Korea
Joint New Year Editorial Issued.
Pyongyang, January 1 (KCNA) -- Papers here today carry "Make a higher leap full of great ambition and confidence", a joint editorial issued by Rodong Sinmun, the official organ of the Workers' Party of Korea Central Committee, Josoninmingun and Chongnyonjonwi on the occasion of the New Year Juche 95 (2006).
All the fellow countrymen in the north and the south and abroad should more vigorously push the cause of national reunification that has entered a new phase.
"Let us vigorously forward the patriotic movement for independent reunification, peace against war and great national unity under the banner of 'by our nation itself!' --this is the slogan to be held up in this year's movement for national reunification.
We should solve all the problems arising in accomplishing the cause of reunification by placing the dignity and interests of the nation above anything else in line with requirements of the idea of "by our nation itself." The spirit of giving top priority to the nation and the nation-first manner should prevail and the hurricane of independent reunification should sweep everywhere Koreans live. The grand celebration of June 15, the day of the publication of the North-South Joint Declaration, as the "day of by our nation itself" should be made a tradition.
All the Koreans in the north and the south and abroad must resolutely reject the U.S. intervention and domination with inter-Korean cooperation and must never tolerate treacherous acts of anti-reunification forces who are conspiring with foreign forces.
We should launch a dynamic campaign against war and for peace.
The entire nation should firmly defend peace and security on the Korean Peninsula by turning out in the struggle to resolutely foil the U.S. attempt to launch another war. We must remove the root cause of war completely from this land by launching a nationwide campaign for driving out the U.S. troops. An atmosphere of promoting national reconciliation and unity should be heightened continuously and solidarity be promoted further between reunification-oriented organizations.
The pro-U.S. conservatives in south Korea are now making last-ditch efforts to reverse the era of June 15 reunification to that of confrontation in the past and achieve their ambition for power. The people from all walks of life in south Korea should destroy the tie-up and challenge of "neo-conservatives" by dint of great alliance of progressives and push the group of traitors to final ruin.
This year all the Koreans in the north and the south and abroad should wage a vigorous struggle with the basic tasks of the patriotic movement for independent reunification, peace against war and overall national unity, thus demonstrating once again the might of the Koreans who are closely united under the banner of the June 15 Joint Declaration and setting up a new milestone in the cause of national reunification.
The cause of our revolution is the cause of justice and invincibility for successfully shaping the destiny of the motherland and the nation and realizing global independence.
We will, in the future, too, make a positive contribution to building a new world, independent, peaceful and friendly, holding aloft the banner of anti-imperialist independence and socialism.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY
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April 2006.
Joint Press Release on 18th Inter-Korean Ministerial Talks Published
Pyongyang, April 24 (KCNA) -- The 18th north-south ministerial talks were held here from April 21 to 24. At the talks both sides issued a joint press release after discussing practical issues arising in settling fundamental issues related to the political, military and economic relations between the north and the south and agreeing on them. At the talks both sides agreed on the following points after appreciating the successes made since the publication of the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration and deciding to make positive efforts to put the inter-Korean ties on a higher stage in line with the idea of "By our nation itself":
1. The north and the south decided to take practical measures to recognize and respect each other's ideology and system in the basic spirit of the June 15 joint declaration with a view to promoting national reconciliation and confidence.
2. They shared the understanding of the necessity to take practical measures for defusing the military tension and ensuring peace on the Korean Peninsula and agreed to cooperate with each other to this end.
3. They decided to make sustained efforts for the denuclearization of the peninsula and actively cooperate with each other in the efforts to ensure that the September 19 joint statement is implemented as early as possible to find a peaceful solution to the nuclear issue in line with the common interests and security of the nation. 4. They decided to exert efforts for national unity and for the present to ensure that delegations of the authorities of the two sides will take an active part in the grand festival for national reunification to open in the area of the south side on the occasion of the sixth anniversary of the June 15 joint declaration with a view to making this national event meaningful.
5. They agreed to have economic cooperation substantially conducive to the prosperity common to the nation.
They decided to take practical measures to actively boost investment and cooperation in areas, types and scope of business for mutual benefit on the basis of firm understanding that the inter-Korean economic cooperation is cooperation between compatriots and an undertaking for prosperity common to the nation. Å@They agreed to hold the 12th meeting of the North-South Committee for Promotion of Economic Cooperation within May for the present to take up the issues of digging up sand at the mouth of the River Rimjin and developing resources common to the nation and discuss the trial operation of trains, the opening to traffic of railways and roads, the construction of the Kaesong Industrial Zone and cooperation in light industry and the development of underground resources, etc.
6. They agreed to cooperate with each other in the efforts to substantially settle the issue of the persons whose whereabouts were unknown during the war and in the subsequent period.
7. They decided to push forward cooperation in various fields including the prevention of natural disasters, health service and the preservation of cultural relics. 8. They decided to open the 19th north-south ministerial talks in Pusan from July 11 to 14, 2006.
Korean Central News Agency
October 2006.
DPRK Foreign Ministry Clarifies Stand on New Measure to Bolster War Deterrent.
Pyongyang, October 3 (KCNA) -- The Foreign Ministry of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea issued the following statement Tuesday solemnly clarifying the DPRK stand on the new measure to be taken by it to bolster its war deterrent for self-defence: The U.S. daily increasing threat of a nuclear war and its vicious sanctions and pressure have caused a grave situation on the Korean Peninsula in which the supreme interests and security of our State are seriously infringed upon and the Korean nation stands at the crossroads of life and death.
The U.S. has become more frantic in its military exercises and arms build-up on the peninsula and in its vicinity for the purpose of launching the second Korean war since it made a de facto "declaration of war" against the DPRK through the recent brigandish adoption of a UNSC resolution.
At the same time it is making desperate efforts to internationalize the sanctions and blockade against the DPRK by leaving no dastardly means and methods untried in a foolish attempt to isolate and stifle it economically and bring down the socialist system chosen by its people themselves.
The present Bush administration has gone the lengths of making ultimatum that it would punish the DPRK if it refuses to yield to the U.S. within the timetable set by it. Under the present situation in which the U.S. moves to isolate and stifle the DPRK have reached the worst phase, going beyond the extremity, the DPRK can no longer remain an on-looker to the developments.
The DPRK has already declared that it would take all necessary countermeasures to defend the sovereignty of the country and the dignity of the nation from the Bush administration's vicious hostile actions.
The DPRK Foreign Ministry is authorized to solemnly declare as follows in connection with the new measure to be taken to bolster the war deterrent for self-defence:
Firstly, the field of scientific research of the DPRK will in the future conduct a nuclear test under the condition where safety is firmly guaranteed.
The DPRK was compelled to pull out of the NPT as the present U.S. administration scrapped the DPRK-U.S. Agreed Framework and seriously threatened the DPRK's sovereignty and right to existence.
The DPRK officially announced that it manufactured up-to-date nuclear weapons after going through transparent legitimate processes to cope with the U.S. escalated threat of a nuclear war and sanctions and pressure.
The already declared possession of nuclear weapons presupposes the nuclear test.
The U.S. extreme threat of a nuclear war and sanctions and pressure compel the DPRK to conduct a nuclear test, an essential process for bolstering nuclear deterrent, as a corresponding measure for defence.
Secondly, the DPRK will never use nuclear weapons first but strictly prohibit any threat of nuclear weapons and nuclear transfer.
A people without reliable war deterrent are bound to meet a tragic death and the sovereignty of their country is bound to be wantonly infringed upon. This is a bitter lesson taught by the bloodshed resulting from the law of the jungle in different parts of the world.
The DPRK's nuclear weapons will serve as reliable war deterrent for protecting the supreme interests of the state and the security of the Korean nation from the U.S. threat of aggression and averting a new war and firmly safeguarding peace and stability on the Korean peninsula under any circumstances.
The DPRK will always sincerely implement its international commitment in the field of nuclear non-proliferation as a responsible nuclear weapons state.
Thirdly, the DPRK will do its utmost to realize the denuclearization of the peninsula and give impetus to the world-wide nuclear disarmament and the ultimate elimination of nuclear weapons.
As the DPRK has been exposed to the U.S. nuclear threat and blackmail over the past more than half a century, it proposed the denuclearization of the peninsula before any others and has since made utmost efforts to that end.
The U.S., however, abused the idea of denuclearization set out by the DPRK for isolating and stifling the ideology and system chosen by its people, while systematically disregarding all its magnanimity and sincerity.
The ultimate goal of the DPRK is not a "denuclearization" to be followed by its unilateral disarmament but one aimed at settling the hostile relations between the DPRK and the U.S. and removing the very source of all nuclear threats from the Korean Peninsula and its vicinity.
There is no change in the principled stand of the DPRK to materialize the denuclearization of the peninsula through dialogue and negotiation.
The DPRK will make positive efforts to denuclearize the peninsula its own way without fail despite all challenges and difficulties.
Korean Central News Agency
Korean Central News Agency
January 1st, 2007.
Joint New Year Editorial Issued.
Pyongyang, January 1 (KCNA) -- Rodong Sinmun, Joson Inmingun and Chongnyon Jonwi today released a joint editorial under the title "Usher in a Great Heyday of Songun Korea Full of Confidence in Victory" on the occasion of the hope-filled New Year. The DPRK has never seen in the annals of the protracted and arduous Korean revolution such year as 2006 in which the position of the country was justifiably raised to the level of powerful one and the dignity of the Korean nation was vigorously demonstrated, the editorial says, proudly reviewing the epoch-making events and historical victories gained last year.
The cheers of victory in the Songun idea and Songun politics had prevailed all over the world and the turning phase opened in the building of a great prosperous powerful nation and proud successes demonstrating the wisdom and superiority of the Korean nation had been achieved last year, the editorial notes.
Noting that the New Year Juche 96 (2007) will be a year of great changes, a year which will usher in a new era of prosperity of Songun Korea, the editorial refers to the tasks for this year.
We must glorify this year greeting the 95th birth anniversary of President Kim Il Sung as a year of great efflorescence of his wish for a prosperous and powerful country, a year of brisk activities across the country and celebrate the 75th anniversary of the founding of the Korean People's Army as an all-people event that would demonstrate the invincibility and bright future of the Songun revolution, the editorial says. "Usher in a great heyday of Songun Korea full of confidence in victory!"-this is a slogan we should put up in struggle and advance, it stresses.
Calling for waging a dynamic offensive campaign to build a socialist economic power and continuously exerting a great effort to strengthening the defence capabilities, holding aloft the banner of Songun, and consolidating in every way the unity of revolutionary ranks in thinking and purpose, so as to demonstrate the might of our country as a political and ideological power, the editorial points to the ways to do so. All the fellow countrymen should hold high the slogan "Add brilliance to the June 15 reunification era by attaching importance to the nation, maintaining peace and achieving unity!" and bring about the greatest success in the cause of independent reunification, it notes.
We will remain faithful to the last to our historic mission in safeguarding global peace and security and advancing the cause of independence of humanity, and continue to intensify international solidarity with the progressive peoples under the ideals of independence, peace and friendship, the editorial stresses.
Korean Central News Agwency, February 2007.
Third Phase of Fifth Round of Six-Party Talks Held.
Beijing, February 13 (KCNA) -- The third phase of the fifth round of the six-party talks took place in Beijing from February 8 to 13.
The talks that proceeded in a sincere atmosphere discussed the ways of denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula.
At the talks the parties decided to offer economic and energy aid equivalent to one million tons of heavy fuel oil in connection with the DPRK's temporary suspension of the operation of its nuclear facilities.
And the DPRK and the United States agreed to solve their pending issues and kick off the bilateral talks aimed at opening full diplomatic ties.
At the just-concluded talks the parties agreed to have the sixth round of the six-party talks in the future.
March 2007.
Led by Brilliant Commanders
The Korean People's Army(KPA) celebrates its 75th birthday on April 25 this year.
It can be said that the records of the KPA consist in a history of victory and glory made under the leadership of peerless commanders.
The founder of KPA is President Kim Il Sung(1912-1994). He founded the Korean People's Revolutionary Army(KPRA) on April 25, 1932, during the Japanese military occupation of Korea(1905-1945).
That means the beginning of a true history of revolutionary armed forces in Korea, and the Korean people were provided with a sure guarantee to achive national liberation with the armed struggles as the main means.
The anti-Japanese armed struggle waged by the KPRA was full of difficulties and trials, because the Korean people had no home front or support from a regular army in their fight against the formidable Japanese army that was claming the supremacy over the Asia-Pacific region.
During those days Kim Il Sung developed the KPRA into a powerful force armed with indomitable faith and will and adroit guerilla tactics and strategies, while making it a political organization to arouse the entire nation to the anti-Japanese struggle by rallying broad masses.
The KPRA successfully performed its mission and role as the main force, bringing about new development of the Korean revolution as a whole, and finally achieving national liberation in August 1945.
The president, always maintaining the principle that revolution is pioneered, advanced and accomplished by force of the arms, put primary emphasis on developing the KPRA into regular armed forces, that is, the Korean People's Army, in the hard time just after the liberation.
Thanks to his leadership, the Korean People's Army could display its might in the Korean war(1950-1953) started by the US imperialism. The Korean People's Army as a young regular army overwhelmed the enemy's numerical and technical superiority by means of its ideological and tactical superiority. It defeated the US that was boasting of its being ?the strongest? in the world, and safeguarded the national sovereignty and independence by displaying mass heroism and matchless self-sacrificing spirit.
In the postwar period, too, the president exerted every effort to build up the army after the military line of self-reliant defense in order to cope with the actual situation of Korea accelerating socialist construction in direct confrontation with the imperialist superpower of the US. The KPA crushed the ceaseless threats of aggression and war schemes of the US at every step, as was shown in the Pueblo incident 1968, ?EC-121? aircraft accident in 1969, and the Panmunjom incident in 1976 particularly. Thus it safeguarded the security of the country and protected the Korean people's socialist construction with the arms.
The KPA has opened up a new chapter of its development thanks to the leader Kim Jong Il.
In the 1990s of last century when socialist Korea was faced with acute situation, Kim Jong Il established the mode of Songun politics in an all-round way and brought about a fresh upswing in the strengthening of military power. He elucidated that the military affairs should be given the top priority of all national affairs and that the army is the hardcore, the main force of revolution. He gave on-the-spot guidance without letup to army units, encouraging them to train themselves further ideo-politically, militarily and technically.
The KPA has grown into an army equipped with victorious stratagem, operation capabilities, powerful means for both attack and defense. The KPA is playing a pivotal role not only in national defense but also in strengthening the single hearted unity of the Korean society and the driving force of revolution.
The history of 75 years made by the KPA is full of victories in the confrontation with imperialist powers and in defending sovereignty, independence and socialism under the leadership of brilliant commanders.
The Korean People's Army will continue to make a record of invincibility led by the leader Kim Jong Il.
Life for country and people
President Kim Il Sung (April 15, 1912-July 8, 1994), who is highly praised by the Korean people as their eternal leader, lived all his life for his country and his people.
His thought and activity were always centered on his country and his people.
He set out on the road of revolution in his early teens, and groped for the path of Korean revolution, centering on the way to save the country and the people downtrodden by the Japanese imperialists and to achieve national prosperity. In this course of painstaking thoughts and quest hi authored the Juche Idea and the Songun idea, which is based on the Juche idea.
During the 15-year-long anti-Japanese armed struggle, he never forgot his country and his people even for a moment. Even when fighting a fierce battle or sitting by a campfire, he formulated lines and policies for liberating the country as soon as possible, thinking of his downtrodden motherland and people. His plan was realized at last, and the Korean people were liberated (August 15, 1945).
During the long years of complicated work of building a new society, the Fatherland Liberation War (Korean war 1950-1953), postwar reconstruction, and the socialist revolution and construction after national liberation, he always thought of the best way to serve the country and the people. So he built the party and strengthened it into the workers' party which represents the will and interest of all his people, and built the regular army and the government that serve the people. He set up the unique system centered on the people.
President Kim Il Sung devoted his all to the country and the people.
In the struggle to liberate the motherland from the occupation of the Japanese imperialists, he lost his parents, younger brother and uncle, and countless comrades-in-arms whom he regarded as the most precious. Whenever he suffered the pain of loss, he braced himself up thinking of he country and the people in distress.
Though there were countless crises on the unprecedented thorny path of Korean revolution, he did not care about his own safety. In the early years of the anti-Japanese armed struggle, the Chinese anti-Japanese forces looked upon the Koreans as their enemy for no reason and killed them cheated by the wily trick of the Japanese to alienate the nations. In spite of the danger he had negotiations with the Chinese to realize the united front though his comrade-in-arms tried to dissuade him. In the most arduous days of the armed struggle, he used to stand in the van with a machine-gun in his hands to open the way for advance. During the period of the Fatherland Liberation War against te US aggressors in the 1950s, he went to the frontline, which was clouded with the smoke of gunfire, to encourage the army and the people.
Even in his last days in his 80s, he energetically worked day and night for the happiness of the people and national reunification until he died at his post of duty.
The trace of his continuous on-the-spot guidance for the people is left everywhere throughout the country-in factories and enterprises, cooperative farms and villages, schools and hospitals, restaurants and shops, army units and posts, and people's homes and dormitories.
President Kim Il Sung's life for the country and people will remain immortal in the minds of the Korean people and attract the admiration and respect of the progressive people.
KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY, MAY 2007
Fifth Inter-Korean General-level Military Talks Close
Pyongyang, May 11 (KCNA) -- The fifth north-south general-level military talks came to a close Friday.
At the talks both sides reached a series of agreements after discussing the issues of preventing military clashes in the West Sea, realizing joint fishing there and taking measures for providing military guarantees necessary for inter-Korean economic cooperation and exchange and thoroughly implementing the military agreements already adopted between the north and the south.
According to the press release adopted at the talks Friday, both sides agreed to effect joint fishing on the principle of ensuring peace in the West Sea and promoting prosperity and interests common to the nation and further the discussion on the issues of preventing military clashes in the West Sea and fixing waters for joint fishing there. They agreed to consult the issue of direct sailing of civilian ships of the north side to the port of Haeju depending on the military confidence building in the West Sea, it noted, and continued:
Both sides agreed to adopt and effectuate a tentative agreement on providing a military guarantee for the trial operation of train between the north and the south on May 17 and decided to pursue the discussion in the future on the issue of adopting an agreement on providing military guarantees for the transit on railways and traffic on the roads between the north and the south.
They agreed to discuss measures for providing military guarantees for the project to be undertaken for flood control in the River Rimjin and dredging work in the estuary of the River Han.
The two sides reiterated the need to strictly observe and implement the military agreements already adopted between the north and the south.
Both sides agreed to recommend that the second north-south defence minister-level talks be opened at the earliest possible date depending on the progress made at the general-level military talks.
They decided to open the sixth inter-Korean general-level military talks within July and agree upon the specific schedule through notice in the future.
June 2007.
June 15 Reunification Era
In June 2000, seven years ago, Pyongyang, capital of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, witnessed the historic inter-Korean summit for the first time in the 55-year-long national division, in which the leaders of the north and south of Korea discussed on the reunification issue and made public the June 15 North-South Joint Declaration.
The Joint Declaration is a milestone in unity and reunification of the Korean nation. The basic spirit permeating through the declaration is "By our nation itself". That is, the north and south of Korea should solve the problem of national reunification by the effort of the Koreans themselves, free from foreign intervention.
The Joint Declaration, as soon as it was published, aroused enthusiastic support and sympathy of all Korean compatriots in the north, south and abroad. It also brought about a radical change in the accomplishment of the cause of Korea's reunification.
The half-a-century-long north-south relations took a sudden turn from distrust and confrontation to reconciliation and cooperation. The inter-Korean ministerial talks produced joint agreements from the standpoint of giving priority to the national desire and interests, thus contributing greatly to promoting national unity and reunification, and cooperation and exchanges in several sectors. The multiple layers of dialogue and contact, including those of the Committee for the Promotion of Economic Cooperation and its subcommittees, the Red Cross societies and the military, were held to hammer out satisfactory results. The reunification-oriented events, which had been held in the north and south separately, took place amidst the great expectation and interest of the whole nation in Pyongyang, Seoul and Mt. Kumgang resort on such significant days as June 15 and August 15 (when Korea was liberated from the Japanese military occupation in 1945) as grand pan-national reunification festivals. There also took place in Pyongyang and Seoul demonstrations of Taekwon-Do, the Korean orthodox martial art; sports games and joint artistic performances; joint historical material exhibitions and seminars; and joint photo show. Athletes from the north and the south entered the venues of opening ceremonies of the 14th Asian Games in Pusan, south Korea, in September 2002; the 28th Olympic Games in Athens, Greece, in August 2004; the 15th Asian Games in Doha, Qatar, in December 2006 and other international games, hand in hand, flying high the reunification flag, and the enthusiastic joint cheering at these games by the north and the south Koreans demonstrated at home and abroad that the Koreans, though they live divided, are a homogeneous nation with the same language, bloodline and culture. Families and relatives separated for more than 50 years met in Pyongyang, Seoul and Mt. Kumgang resort, and numerous south Koreans from all walks of life enjoyed the mass gymnastics and artistic performance Arirang held in Pyongyang and saw the sights in the north, like the Paektu, Kumgang and Myohyang mountains. Railways and roads are relinked, and air and sea routes are open for free travel between the north and south.
These miraculous changes in the north-south relations are the results born of the June 15 Joint Declaration that affirmed the will to achieve national reunification and common prosperity of the nation by the concerted efforts of the Korean nation. So the Koreans call this era full of eye-opening events the "June 15 reunification era".
As the reunification movement is gaining momentum in the Korean peninsula, the United States feels its dominant position in south Korea threatened and its ambition for dominion of the whole of Korea coming to naught, and the right-wing conservatives in south Korea, in cahotts with the US, are resorting to every conceivable means in an attempt to check the advance of the June 15 reunification era. However, the entire Korean nation stands firm in its will to implement the June 15 Joint Declaration, a milestone for national reunification.
This year the DPRK put forward the slogan, "Add brilliance to the June 15 reunification era by attaching importance to the nation, maintaining peace and achieving unity! " the joint statement of the DPRK political parties, government and public organizations made public in Pyongyang early this January called on the entire Korea people to make the year 2007 a historic turning point in opening up a new chapter for the implementation of the cause of national reunification. The joint statement received a hearty support from reunification movement organizations in the south and abroad. Prevailing in the Korean peninsula now is the atmosphere oriented toward national reunification: various events for national reunification are in preparation to commemorate the June 15 Joint Declaration.
The Korean nation will surely achieve national reunification under the banner of the June 15 Joint Declaration.
WPK and Kim Jong Il
June 19 is a significant day in the history of the Workers' Party of Korea as it marks the 43rd anniversary of the day when Kim Jong Il started his work at its Central Committee. It is entirely attributable to the efforts of Kim Jong Il that the prestigious WPK is displaying its might in organizing and leading the Korean people toward victories.
Kim Jong Il developed the WPK thoroughly into the Party of President Kim Il Sung.
At the outset of his work at the WPK CC he put great efforts to enriching the revolutionary idea of President Kim Il Sung, the Juche idea, in keeping with the requirements of the times and the developing revolution. He defined the revolutionary idea of the President as an integral system of idea, theory and method of Juche, and put forward a policy of modelling the whole Party on the Juche idea. He conducted energetic activities to deal with all problems arising in the Party building and activities in accordance with the President's idea and intention and in the way of the President's work method, and meet the requirement of the Juche idea in leading the revolution and construction. In July 1994, following President Kim Il Sung's sudden death, Kim Jong Il put forward slogans, "The great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung will always be with us" and "Let us arm ourselves more firmly with the revolutionary ideas of the great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung!", and made public The Worker's Party of Korea is the Party of the Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung and other immortal works. He worked energetically to hold up President Kim Il Sung, who had founded the Party and led it for nearly half a century, for all eternity and staunchly hold fast to the Juche idea as the guiding idea. He developed the President's lifelong Songun idea and line as the Songun politics, an original socialist mode of politics, as required by the changing situation and has been leading the WPK to faithfully perform its mission and role as the guiding force of the Songun cause.
Kim Jong Il strengthen the WPK as the party based on invincible single-hearted unity.
From the first days of his leading the Party he set it as the fundamental requirement for Party building and its development to achieve unity and cohesion within the Party. He made sure that all the Party members armed themselves with the idea of the leader, the Juche idea, thought and acted as required by the Party in whatever complicated situation. He established the system of the leader's guidance in the Party and did not tolerate any slightest heterogeneous element detrimental to the unity and cohesion of the Party, enabling the WPK to maintain the purity of its ranks. As a result, the Workers' Party of Korea has been firmly united ideologically, purposefully, and morally, around one centre on the basis of a single idea. Factions or factional disputes common to parties of other countries are alien to the WPK. The members of the WPK are faithful to the leader's ideology and leadership, all armed thoroughly with the Juche idea and rallied firmly around the leader with one mind and will. Because of its unity and cohesion, as unbreakable as a slightest vacillation and vicissitude, even when many other Communist or Workers' Parties suffered tragic division or collapse in the past.
Kim Jong Il also developed the WPK into the Party with the strong mass foundation.
He clarified that the WPK exists for sake of the people and its duty is to strive to meet the people's demand for independence and their interests. He paid special attention to making the WPK a motherly Party that embraces broad sections of the masses and bears full responsibility for their destiny. "The People Are My God", his maxim, constitutes the fundamental principle of the WPK's activities. He put forward the slogans, "Let the whole Party go among the masses! " and "Serve the People! ", and set an example for all the Party workers to always go among the masses and fulfil their duties as faithful servants of the people. He saw to it that every line and policy reflected the aspirations and demand of the broad masses. He also made sure that there was no setback in the popular policies, such as the universal free medical care system and free compulsory education system, however difficult the economic situation of the country was.
Therefore, the Korean people are entrusting their all to the Workers' Party of Korea, calling it "mother", all working devotedly to carry out its lines and policies. The integral whole of the Party and the people &endash; this is the real image of Korea.
The Workers' Party of Korea led by General Secretary Kim Jong Il will be invincible as ever.
Grand Festival for National Reunification Opens
Pyongyang, June 14 (KCNA) -- A grand festival for national reunification to mark the 7th anniversary of the publication of the June 15 joint declaration was opened in Pyongyang.
An opening ceremony of the festival was held in front of Nam Gate in Mt. Taesong Thursday.
As representatives from the north and the south of Korea and abroad entered the venue of the opening ceremony following a large Korean Peninsula flag, working people in Pyongyang warmly welcomed them, chanting slogans for national reunification.
The opening ceremony was attended by a delegation of the North Side Committee for Implementing the June 15 Joint Declaration led by its Chairman An Kyong Ho, a delegation of the south side committee led by its Chairman Paek Rak Chong and a delegation of the overseas side committee led by Co-chairmen Kwak Tong Ui and Mun Tong Hwan.
The large Korean Peninsula flag was hoisted with due ceremony.
An Kyong Ho in his opening speech said that the current festival would provide an occasion of strikingly demonstrating at home and abroad the unshakable will of the Koreans to defend and implement the June 15 joint declaration and thus reunify the country and the might of the nation united close as one under the banner of "By our nation itself".
Then followed congratulatory speeches by Vice-President of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly Kim Yong Dae, Honorary Chairman Ri Ji Gwan and Co-Chairman Mun Tong Hwan of the South Side's Committee.
The members of the three delegations enjoyed an art performance given by the Mansudae Art Troupe at the East Pyongyang Grand Theatre Thursday.
In the evening the North Side Committee for Implementing the June 15 Joint Declaration hosted a banquet at the People's Palace of Culture in honor of the delegations of the south and overseas sides.
Foreign Ministry Spokesman on DPRK Visit by U.S. Assistant Secretary of State
Pyongyang, June 23 (KCNA) -- A spokesman for the Foreign Ministry of the DPRK gave the following answer to a question raised by KCNA Saturday as regards the visit to the DPRK by the U.S. assistant secretary of State: ? Christopher Hill, U.S. assistant secretary of State, visited the DPRK from June 21 to 22. ? During his visit he met the DPRK foreign minister and had talks with a vice-minister of Foreign Affairs. ? At the meeting and the talks both sides discussed the ways of completely settling the issue of the de-frozen funds just as they had agreed in Berlin in January last and boosting cooperation in the field of financial transaction in the future. ? As for the issue of implementing the February 13 agreement, both sides shared the view that they would start implementing the agreement on the premise that the issue of the remittance of the funds is finally settled and had an in-depth exchange of views on the actions to be taken by each side in the next phase before agreeing to deepen contacts and consultations in the future. ? The discussions of issues were comprehensive and productive. ? Both sides agreed to examine the possibility of holding talks of the heads of the delegations to the six-party talks in the first half of July and opening a meeting of the foreign ministers of the six parties during the ministerial meeting of the ASEAN Regional Forum slated to take place in Philippines early in August and cooperate with each other for their realization for the present.
Foreign Ministry Spokesman on Solution to Issue of Frozen Funds
Pyongyang, June 25 (KCNA) -- A spokesman for the DPRK Foreign Ministry gave the following answer to a question put by KCNA Monday as regards the settlement of the issue of the funds frozen in the Banco Delta Asia in Macao: ? The funds frozen at the above-said bank were finally wired as demanded by the DPRK side, thus settling the controversial issue of the frozen funds. ? It has thus become possible to use the de-frozen funds for improving the standard of people's living and humanitarian purposes, as planned. ? The DPRK took a serious view of the issue of de-freezing the funds not because of that amount of money but the action taken to freeze the funds was a vivid manifestation of the hostile policy toward the DPRK. ? This is also in line with the principle of "action for action" confirmed by the six parties. Now that the issue of de-freezing the funds has been settled, the DPRK, too, will start implementing the February 13 agreement on the principle of "action for action." ? As part of it, the DPRK will hold a discussion on the suspension of the operations of nuclear facilities, its verification and monitoring with the working delegation of the International Atomic Energy Agency in Pyongyang from June 26.
SPA Chairman Meets European Parliamentary Delegation
Pyongyang, June 25 (KCNA) -- Choe Thae Bok, chairman of the DPRK Supreme People's Assembly (SPA), met and had a friendly talk with a delegation of the European Parliament headed by Hubert Pirker, chairman of its Delegation for the Relations with Korean Peninsula, when it paid a courtesy call on him at the Mansudae Assembly Hall today. ? On hand were Deputy to the SPA Ri Jong Hyok, chairman of the DPRK-EU Friendship Parliamentary Group, and officials concerned and the German ambassador to the DPRK.
Foreign Ministry Spokesman on Recent DPRK-U.S. Talks, September 2007.
Pyongyang, September 3 (KCNA) -- A spokesman for the DPRK Foreign Ministry gave the following answer to a question put by KCNA Monday as regards the recent DPRK-U.S. talks held in Geneva:
A meeting of the DPRK-U.S. working group for the six-party talks was held in Geneva from Sept. 1 to 2.
The meeting discussed the goals at the next phase for the implementation of the September 19 joint statement and reached a series of agreements.
Both sides discussed the issue of taking practical measures to neutralize the existing nuclear facilities in the DPRK within this year and agreed on them.
In return for this the U.S. decided to take such political and economic measures for compensation as delisting the DPRK as a terrorism sponsor and lifting all sanctions that have been applied according to the Trading with the Enemy Act.
This has laid a groundwork for making progress at the plenary session of the six-party talks to be held in the future.
November 2007.
First Round of Inter-Korean Premier Talks Closes.
Seoul, November 16 (KCNA Correspondent) -- The first round of the inter-Korean premier talks closed on Friday.
At the talks both sides had an exhaustive discussion on practical issues arising in invariably upholding and honoring the June 15 joint declaration and fully implementing the October 4 declaration and adopted an agreement on the talks and annexed agreements.
The agreements were inked by Premier of the DPRK Cabinet Kim Yong Il and Prime Minister of the south Han Tok Su.
According to the agreement, the north and the south agreed to definitely turn the inter-Korean relations into those of mutual respect and trust in the spirit of "By our nation itself" and take steps to develop them for the purpose of reunification.
To this end, both sides agreed to take measures necessary for marking June 15 as a day common to the nation and hold celebrations of the 8th anniversary of the June 15 joint declaration in Seoul next year with an attendance of authorities and people.
They also agreed to discuss such matters as readjusting their legal and institutional mechanisms and revitalize dialogues and contacts in different fields including their parliaments.
They agreed to set up "a West Sea special area for peace and cooperation" to meet the purpose of peace and common interests in the West Sea. As a necessary measure, they adopted an agreement on the formation and operation of "a committee for the promotion of the West Sea special area for peace and cooperation" to be co-chaired by officials at ministerial level. They agreed to hold the first meeting of the committee in Kaesong within December.
The north and the south agreed to positively push forward economic cooperation for the balanced development of the national economy and common prosperity.
To this end, both sides agreed to cooperate with each other in various fields including roads and railways, zones for cooperation in shipbuilding and the Kaesong Industrial Zone and form the North-South Joint Committee for Economic Cooperation to be co-chaired by officials at vice-premier level for the smooth progress of those projects. A relevant agreement was adopted and it was agreed to have its first meeting in Seoul from Dec. 4 to 6.
The north and the south also agreed to inaugurate the North-South Committee for the Promotion of Social and Cultural Cooperation with a view to promoting exchange and cooperation in history, language, education, culture, arts and other social and cultural fields and positively push forward cooperation projects in the humanitarian field from the stand of promoting national reconciliation and unity.
The north and the south agreed to hold the inter-Korean premier talks once in six months and the next round of the talks within the first half of 2008 in Pyongyang
Korean Central News Agency
June 2008. DPRK Opposes All Forms of Terrorism and Any Support to It.
Pyongyang, June 10 (KCNA) -- The DPRK Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement on June 10.
The statement says:
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the DPRK is authorized by its government to state as follows:
Frequent terrorist acts being perpetrated in different parts of the world seriously threaten human lives, social stability and international peace and security.
The international community is becoming increasingly vocal, expressing indignation at these acts and denouncing them and calling for closer cooperation among countries in the struggle against terrorism.
The DPRK government has consistently maintained the stand to resolutely oppose all forms of terrorism and any support to it, guided by the man-centered Juche idea and the idea of its foreign policy-- independence, peace and friendship.
It clarified that it would cooperate with Russia in the struggle against organized crimes and international terrorism in the July 19, 2000, DPRK-Russia Joint Declaration and the August 4, 2001, DPRK-Russia Moscow Declaration. It also declared that it would support and encourage international efforts to combat terrorism in the October 6, 2000, DPRK-U.S. Joint Statement and the October 12, 2000, DPRK-U.S. Joint Communique.
The DPRK government repeatedly clarified its firm stand to oppose terrorism whenever there occurred such grave terrorist acts as bomb attacks on the American embassies in Tanzania and Kenya in August 1998, the September 11 incident in the U.S. in 2001, the bomb attack in Bali, Indonesia in October 2002 and the bomb explosion in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia in May 2003.
The positive stand of the DPRK to combat terrorism can find its expression in the fact that it has kept steps with the international efforts to fight terrorism in practice.
The following facts can be served as typical examples of this: The DPRK supported anti-terrorism measures taken by the UN forums including the adoption of the UNGA Resolution on Measures to Eliminate Terrorism on December 12, 2000 and the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy on September 8, 2006 and the implementation of the UNSC Resolution 1373 on September 28, 2001. It took the initiative of acceding to international conventions on combating terrorism such as the International Convention against the Taking of Hostages and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Internationally Protected Persons including Diplomatic Agents in November and December 2001.
The DPRK on March 31, 2004 reported to the committee organized according to the UNSC Resolution 1267 the fact that it has no relations with Taliban and Al-Qaeda or individuals, groups, businesses and organizations related to them and it has sincerely implemented the measures taken according to the resolution and other related resolutions.
When the DPRK ship "Taehongdan" was attacked by pirates in the sea off Somalia on October 30, 2007 its crew routed terrorists with the help and cooperation of U.S. forces. This became a symbol of the DPRK-U.S. cooperation in the fight against terrorism.
The DPRK fully supports the international community in its efforts to establish an international legal mechanism to combat terrorism and will actively cooperate with it in taking effective measures for it.
It will take active part in the international efforts to prevent substance, equipment and technology to be used for the production of nukes and biochemical and radioactive weapons from finding their ways to the terrorists and the organizations that support them and faithfully fulfill its duty in the field of non-proliferation as it committed itself in the statement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on October 3, 2006 and agreements made at the six-party talks.
Upon the authorization of the government, the DPRK Ministry of Foreign Affairs clarifies that the DPRK will firmly maintain its consistent stand of opposing all forms of terrorism and any support to it and fulfill its responsibility and duty in the struggle against terrorism as a dignified member of the United Nations, in the future, too.
June 2008. DPRK Foreign Ministry's Spokesman on U.S. Lifting of Major Economic Sanctions against DPRK
Pyongyang, June 27 (KCNA) -- A spokesman for the DPRK Foreign Ministry gave the following answer to the question put by KCNA Friday as regards the U.S. announcement of its decision to lift major economic sanctions against the DPRK:
On June 26 the U.S. made public a decision on starting the process of taking the DPRK off the list of "state sponsors of terrorism" and exempting it from the "Trading with the Enemy Act" as a practical measure for lifting economic sanctions against the DPRK under the October 3 agreement reached at the six-party talks.
The DPRK appreciates and hails this as a positive measure.
What is important in the days ahead is for the U.S. to fundamentally drop its hostile policy toward the DPRK, a policy that compelled it to have access to a nuclear deterrent.
The measure taken by the U.S. to lift the major sanctions which it has applied against the DPRK, listing it as an enemy state for more than half a century, should lead to totally withdrawing its hostile policy toward the DPRK in all fields in the future.
Only then can the denuclearization process make smooth progress along its orbit.
Other participating nations of the six-party talks should also fully honor their commitments to make economic compensations in time as already promised.
The six parties should have the fulfillment of all their commitments verified and monitored on the principle of the September 19 joint statement which calls for denuclearizing the whole Korean Peninsula in a verifiable manner.
The DPRK will sincerely implement the September 19 joint statement, closely following each party's fulfillment of its commitment on the principle of "action for action" in the future, too, as it submitted a complete and accurate declaration on its nuclear activities this time in keeping with the U.S. measure for political compensation.
Korean Central News Agency
April 2009. KCNA on DPRK's Successful Launch of Satellite Kwangmyongsong-2
Pyongyang, April 5 (KCNA) -- Scientists and technicians of the DPRK have succeeded in putting satellite Kwangmyongsong-2, an experimental communications satellite, into orbit by means of carrier rocket Unha-2 under the state long-term plan for the development of outer space.
Unha-2, which was launched at the Tonghae Satellite Launching Ground in Hwadae County, North Hamgyong Province at 11:20 on April 5, Juche 98 (2009), accurately put Kwangmyongsong-2 into its orbit at 11:29:02, nine minutes and two seconds after its launch.
The satellite is going round the earth along its elliptic orbit at the angle of inclination of 40.6 degrees at 490 km perigee and 1,426 km apogee. Its cycle is 104 minutes and 12 seconds.
Mounted on the satellite are necessary measuring devices and communications apparatuses
The satellite is going round on its routine orbit.
It is sending to the earth the melodies of the immortal revolutionary paeans "Song of General
Kim Il Sung" and "Song of General Kim Jong Il" and measured information at 470 MHz. By the use of the satellite the relay communications is now underway by UHF frequency band.
The satellite is of decisive significance in promoting the scientific researches into the peaceful use of outer space and solving scientific and technological problems for the launch of practical satellites in the future.
Carrier rocket Unha-2 has three stages.
The carrier rocket and the satellite developed by the indigenous wisdom and technology are the shining results gained in the efforts to develop the nation's space science and technology on a higher level.
The successful satellite launch symbolic of the leaping advance made in the nation's space science and technology was conducted against the background of the stirring period when a high-pitched drive for bringing about a fresh great revolutionary surge is under way throughout the country to open the gate to a great prosperous and powerful nation without fail by 2012, the centenary of birth of President Kim Il Sung, under the far-reaching plan of General Secretary Kim Jong Il. This is powerfully encouraging the Korean people all out in the general advance.
May 2009. DPRK Regards S. Korea's Full Participation in PSI as Declaration of War against DPRK.
Pyongyang, May 27 (KCNA) -- The Lee Myung Bak group of south Korea keen on the moves for confrontation and war against the DPRK in league with foreign forces on May 26 officially declared at last it would fully participate in the PSI despite the unanimous opposition of all Koreans and public opinion at home and abroad.
The Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of Korea issued a statement on May 27 in this regard.
It said:
The so-called PSI is a mechanism for a war of aggression built by the U.S. against the DPRK under the pretext of intercepting and blockading ships and planes, etc. suspicious of transporting weapons of mass destruction including nuclear weapons and missiles.
The PSI has been criticized and repudiated at home and abroad for its aggressive nature and illegality.
Moreover, full participation in the PSI by a side on the Korean Peninsula where the state of military confrontation is growing acute and there is constant danger of military conflict itself means igniting a war.
The DPRK, therefore, has already seriously warned the south Korean authorities against the above-said moves and repeatedly clarified its stand that it would strongly counter those moves of the Lee group, in particular, regarding them as a declaration of a war as it is pursuant to its American master's policy.
Nevertheless, the Lee group undisguisedly took a step of fully participating in the PSI, which former regimes dared not do so, bringing the situation on the Korean Peninsula and inter-Korean relations beyond the uncontrollable danger line of a war
It is preposterous for the Lee group to have opted to fully participate in the PSI under the pretext of the underground nuclear test of the DPRK for self-defense.
It is nothing strange and quite natural for a nuclear weapons state to conduct a nuclear test.
The anti-DPRK racket kicked up by the U.S. and its followers under that pretext is not truly aimed at the nuclear non-proliferation but prompted by their black-hearted intention to stifle the DPRK
Now that the south Korean puppets were so ridiculous as to join in the said racket and dare declare a war against compatriots through their full participation in the PSI, the DPRK is compelled to take a decisive measure, as it has already warned.
The DPRK solemnly declares as follows in view of the prevailing situation:
First, The DPRK will deal a decisive and merciless retaliatory blow, no matter from which place, at any attempt to stop, check and inspect its vessels, regarding it as a violation of its inviolable sovereignty and territory and a grave provocation to it.
Second, The DPRK will take such a practical counter-action as in the wartime now that the south Korean authorities declared a war in wanton violation of its dignity and sovereignty by fully participating in the PSI.
The DPRK will never pardon the south Korean puppet group of traitors for going mad with confrontation and war, bereft of any reason as servants for outside forces in the moves for a war of aggression.
The Lee Myung Bak group will be held wholly accountable for the disastrous consequences to be entailed by its reckless hostile acts against the DPRK.
KOREA NEWS SERVICE(KNS)
Shield for Safeguarding Peace
Now the DPR Korea is known to the international community as a militarily strong country which no imperialist power dares to invade.
At the beginning of the previous century Korea could not help but be deprived of its sovereign rights and compelled to suffer the fate of colonial slavery by the foreign aggressors as it had no military capacities to speak of. But now it has become an object of admiration among the people if the world. It can be said that this is a natural result brought about by Songun politics.
This politics is a shield which renders it possible to reliable safeguard the peace of the country by frustrating the ambition of foreign forces for aggression and war beforehand.
Historical experience shows that for each country to have the powerful strength of its own is the best way for coping with the imperialists' threat and aggression. The Korean people have mire keenly experienced than anybody else the truth that if peace is to be defended military strength should be powerful.
Over the past 60-odd years the United States has constantly caused the dark cloud of a war to loom heavily over the Korean peninsula to swallow up DPRK. Especially, at the time of the "nuclear crisis on the Korean peninsula" in the 1990s the United States went so far as to secretly examine the plan for carrying out a nuclear preemptive strike against DPRK.
However, it only talked big and dared not trigger another war. This is because the military strength of DPRK is very powerful.
In fact it can be said that there is no region where the situation is as strained and acute as on the Korean peninsula. Even though the acutest confrontation has continued for several decades, peace has been maintained on the Korean peninsula. This can hardly be thinkable apart from the DPRK's Songun politics.
The invincible military capabilities created by Songun are a powerful war deterrent which defends the peace on the Korean peninsula and the destiny of all Korean nation.
DPR Korea, August 2009
Texts and articles collected or written by
KOMINFORM